Dutch Atlantic

Author(s):  
Evan Haefeli

The Dutch Atlantic is often ignored because for much of its history it was quite small and seemingly insignificant compared to other European colonies in the Americas. However, it began with extraordinarily ambitious conquests and colonizing schemes. The present-day Dutch Caribbean—St. Martin, Saba, Eustatius, Aruba, Curaçao, and Bonaire—is but the remnants of what was, in the first half of the 17th century, an empire that claimed large portions of Brazil, the Caribbean, North America, and Africa. Forged during the decades-long Dutch Revolt against Spain, this budding empire collapsed soon after the Dutch gained Independence in 1648. European powers that had been allies against the Spanish turned against the Dutch to dismantle their Atlantic empire and its valuable trade. A series of wars in the second half of the 17th century reduced the Dutch colonies to a handful of smaller outposts, some of which in the Caribbean remain Dutch to this day. A recent wave of scholarship has emphasized the dynamism, ambition, and profitability of the Dutch Atlantic, whose fate reflected its origins in the small but dynamic Dutch Republic. Like the Republic, it was acutely sensitive to changes in international diplomacy: neither was ever strong enough to go entirely on its own. Also like the Republic, it was very decentralized. While most all of it was technically under the authority of the West India Company, a variety of arrangements in different colonies meant there was no consistent, centralized colonial policy. Moreover, like the Republic, it was never a purely “Dutch” affair. The native Dutch population was too small and too well employed by the Republic’s industrious economy to build an empire alone. As the Dutch Atlantic depended heavily on the labor, capital, and energy of many people who were not Dutch—other Europeans, some Americans, and, by the 18th century, a majority of Africans—colonial Dutch language and culture were overshadowed by those of other peoples. Finally, the Dutch Atlantic also depended heavily on trade with the other European colonies, from British North America to the Spanish Main. The Dutch were expert merchants, sailors, manufacturers, and capitalists. They created Europe’s first modern financial and banking infrastructure. These factors gave them a competitive edge even as the rise of mercantilist laws in the second half of the 17th century tried to exclude them from other countries’ colonies. They also displayed a talent for a variety of colonial enterprises. New Netherland, covering the territory from present-day New York to Pennsylvania and Delaware, began as a fur-trading outpost in the 1620s. However, by the time it was captured by the English in 1664 it was rapidly becoming a “settler colonial society.” Suriname and Guyana developed profitable plantations and cruel slave societies. In Africa and the Caribbean, small Dutch outposts specialized in trade of all sorts, legitimate and not, including slaves, textiles, sugar, manufactures, and guns. Although their territorial expansion ceased after 1670, the Dutch played an important role in expanding the sugar plantation complex of other empires, partly through their involvement in the Atlantic Slave Trade. Until the Age of Revolutions, the Dutch Atlantic remained a profitable endeavor, keeping the Dutch involved with Latin America from Brazil to Mexico. Venezuela in particular benefitted from easy access to Dutch traders based in Curaçao. Religion played a smaller, but still important role, legitimating the Dutch state and enterprises like the slave trade, but also opening up windows of toleration that allowed Jews in particular to gain a foothold in the Americas that was otherwise denied them. Although the surviving traces of the Dutch Atlantic are small, its historical impact was tremendous. The Dutch weakened the Spanish and Portuguese Atlantic Empires, opening up a path to Imperial power that would subsequently be seized by the French and British.

Author(s):  
Christopher Ebert

The concept of “Latin America” gained currency only in modern times, and its use as an organizing concept for the early modern period is limited. The best way to understand the involvement of the Dutch Republic in overseas colonizing efforts is through the idea of Atlantic history. This involvement was part and parcel of the fitful consolidation of the Republic in the latter decades of the 16th century, as the “rebellious provinces” took their war with Habsburg Spain to Spanish Atlantic possessions. A more sustained assault on the Iberian Atlantic began with the chartering of the first Dutch West India Company (WIC) in 1621. A short-lived invasion of Salvador da Bahia, Brazil’s colonial capital, was followed by a successful occupation of the rich sugar-producing captaincy of Pernambuco from 1630 to 1654. Dutch New York, by way of comparison, was a small venture. Grand schemes for large Dutch colonies in territories claimed by the Spanish and Portuguese monarchies came to nothing, and the WIC was reorganized in 1674 with more modest ambitions. The Dutch subsequently established a vigorous presence in Suriname, Curaçao, and a handful of islands in the Lesser Antilles embracing plantation agriculture, trade, and financial services. This bibliography examines Dutch Atlantic world historiography with a focus on competition with the Iberian empires, especially in Brazil. It also discusses works on other Dutch outposts, which are considered collectively as a “Caribbean zone,” whether mainland or island. Administered only loosely by the second WIC, these colonies became sites of vigorous interaction with all the other European Atlantic powers throughout the 18th century. Other sections list works on the Dutch in the Atlantic slave trade and slavery in Dutch colonies, the history of Portuguese Jews in the Dutch Atlantic world, and published primary sources relevant to Dutch Atlantic history.


Author(s):  
Klas Rönnbäck

The Scandinavian countries established overseas settlements in Africa and the Americas, starting in the 17th century. In Africa, trading stations were initially established with the consent of local rulers. The Danish trading stations on the Gold Coast developed in time into a more formal colony. In the Americas, Scandinavian settlements were of various natures, including the short-lived settlement colony of New Sweden and slavery-based plantation societies in the Caribbean. The Caribbean colonies would bear resemblance to many other Caribbean plantation economies of the time. The Scandinavian countries also participated in the transatlantic slave trade: while these countries might have been responsible for a quite small share of the total transatlantic slave trade, the trade was large compared to the size of the domestic population in these countries. The formal abolition of the slave trade, and later of slavery, in the Scandinavian colonies made the colonial possessions unimportant or even burdens for the Scandinavian states, so that the colonies eventually were sold to other European nations.


Author(s):  
Ellen Hartigan-O'Connor

North American women were at the center of trade, exchange, economic production, and reproduction, from early encounters in the 16th century through the development of colonies, confederations, and nations by the end of the 18th century. They worked for the daily survival of their communities; they provided the material basis for economic and political expansion. There were no economies without them and no economy existed outside of a gender system that shaped and supported it. Connections of family, household, and community embedded the market economies in each region of North America. Gender acted through credit networks, control over others’ labor, and legal patterns of property ownership. Colonialism, by which Europeans sought to acquire land, extract resources, grow profitable crops, and create a base of consumers for European manufactured goods, transformed local and transatlantic economies. Women’s labor in agriculture, trade, and reproduction changed in the context of expanding international economies, created by the transatlantic slave trade, new financial tools for long-distance investment, and an increasing demand for tropical groceries (tea, coffee, and sugar) and dry goods. Women adjusted their work to earn the money or goods that allowed them to participate in these circuits of exchange. Captive women themselves became exchangeable goods. By the end of the 18th century, people living across North America and the Caribbean had adopted revised and blended ideas about gender and commerce. Some came to redefine the economy itself as a force operating independently of women’s daily subsistence, a symbolic realm that divided as much as connected people.


Slave No More ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 17-40
Author(s):  
Aline Helg

This chapter outlines the major phases of the slave trade in relation to colonization and the evolution of the institution of slavery. Between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries, the Christian Western Hemisphere relied on the enslavement of Africans, and as a result, tens of thousands of men, women, and children were deported from Africa to the Caribbean and the American continent for nearly four centuries. This chapter covers slavery in Peru and Brazil in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as well as the sugar plantations in the Caribbean, Brazil, and North America in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This chapter also covers the topics of cotton, sugar, coffee, and chattel slavery in the U.S. South, Cuba, and Brazil in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and explores the similarities and differences in slave systems in the Americas.


Jump Up! ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 14-31
Author(s):  
Ray Allen

The first chapter offers a brief history of Carnival music in Trinidad and the emergence of diasporic Carnival celebrations in New York, London, and Toronto. The tangled transnational origins of calypso, steelband, and soca along with their development as expressions of cultural identity and resistance for Afro-Trinidadians together set the stage for the music’s migration to North America and Europe. Calypso and steelband are recognized today as Trinidad’s most distinctive contributions to the world’s musics. The traditions associated with the twentieth-century Carnival are best understood as products of musical hybridity. That is, both calypso and steelband evolved through a similar process of hybridization. This chapter provides the necessary background for understanding this music’s migration and life outside the Caribbean in Harlem and Brooklyn.


Materials ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (22) ◽  
pp. 6866
Author(s):  
Virginia Flores-Sasso ◽  
Gloria Pérez ◽  
Letzai Ruiz-Valero ◽  
Sagrario Martínez-Ramírez ◽  
Ana Guerrero ◽  
...  

The arrival of Spaniards in the Caribbean islands introduced to the region the practice of applying pigments onto buildings. The pigments that remain on these buildings may provide data on their historical evolution and essential information for tackling restoration tasks. In this study, a 17th-century mural painting located in the Cathedral of Santo Domingo on the Hispaniola island of the Caribbean is characterised via UV–VIS–NIR, Raman and FTIR spectroscopy, XRD and SEM/EDX. The pigments are found in the older Chapel of Our Lady of Candelaria, currently Chapel of Our Lady of Mercy. The chapel was built in the 17th century by black slave brotherhood and extended by Spaniards. During a recent restoration process of the chapel, remains of mural painting appeared, which were covered by several layers of lime. Five colours were identified: ochre, green, red, blue and white. Moreover, it was determined that this mural painting was made before the end of the 18th century, because many of the materials used were no longer used after the industrialisation of painting. However, since both rutile and anatase appear as a white pigment, a restoration may have been carried out in the 20th century, and it has been painted white.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 18-39
Author(s):  
Ian Fitzpatrick ◽  
◽  
Mike Fitzpatrick ◽  

Before the turn of the 17th century the settlement of Irish in the Americas lacked permanence. Soon after, Irish came to North America and the Caribbean in a steady flow, and by the mid 18th century a flood of Irish and Scotch-Irish had settled in the Americas. The reasons for that settlement were many and varied, as were the geographic origins and lineages of those Fitzpatricks among the influx. This article provides a review of the forces that pushed and pulled Irish and Scotch-Irish to the Americas. By way of example, a single Fitzpatrick line demonstrates how messy traditional genealogy of early Colonial American Fitzpatricks can get. That messiness is due in no small part to the cut and paste functionality at websites such as ancestry.com. But by careful review of authentic historical records, caution with speculative associations, and the power of Y-DNA analysis, it is possible to untangle the mess and bring back some much-needed clarity. In this article, the example used is that of the well-known colonial-settler William Fitzpatrick (born ca. 1690 AD), of Albemarle County, Virginia, who arrived in North American ca. 1728. Two living ancestors of William have been found to share a common ancestry from ca. 1650 AD — both bear a genetic mutation (FT15113) specific to William's line; this enables the ready identification of male descendants of William.


1982 ◽  
Vol 56 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 167-195
Author(s):  
Redactie KITLV

-Angelina Pollak-Eltz, George Eaton Simpson, Religious cults of the Caribbean: Trinidad, Jamaica and Haiti. Rio Piedras: Institute of Caribbean Studies, University of Puerto Rico, Caribbean Monograph Series no. 15, 1980. 347 pp.-Loreto Todd, Mervyn C. Alleyne, Comparative Afro-American: an historical-comparative study of English-based Afro-American dialects of the New World. Foreword by Ian F. Hancock. Ann Arbor: Karoma Publishers, 1980. xiii + 253 pp.-Lorna V. Williams, Bonnie J. Barthold, Black time: fiction of Africa, the Caribbean, and the United States. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1981. x + 209 pp.-James A. Rawley, David Eltis ,The abolition of the Atlantic slave trade. With the collaboration of Svend E. Green-Pedersen. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1981. xiii + 300 pp., James Walvin (eds)-David Eltis, Colin A. Palmer, Human cargoes: the British slave trade to Spanish America, 1700-1739. Urbana, Chicago and London: University of Illinois Press, Blacks in the New World Series, 1981. xv + 183 pp.-David Eltis, Jay Coughtry, The notorious triangle: Rhode Island and the African slave trade, 1700-1807. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1981. xiii + 361 pp.-Ransford W. Palmer, George Beckford ,Small garden...bitter weed: struggle and change in Jamaica. Morant Bay, Jamaica: Maroon Publishing House and London: Zed Press, 1982. xxi + 167 pp., Michael Witter (eds)-Judith Johnston, Eugene B. Brody, Sex, contraception, and motherhood in Jamaica. Cambridge MA and London: Harvard University Press, A Commonwealth Fund Book, 1981, 278 pp.-Nina S. de Friedemann, Richard Price, Sociedades cimarronas: comunidades esclavas rebeldes en las Américas. (Traducción, con revisiones, de Maroon societies: rebel slave communities in the Americas, segunda edición, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979.) México: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1981. 333 pp.-Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Jean Fouchard, The Haitian Maroons; liberty or death. (Translation, by A. Faulkner Watts, of Les marrons de la liberté, Paris, L'École, 1972.) New York: Edward W. Blyden Press, 1981. 386 pp.-Thomas Mathews, José del Castillo, Ensayos de sociología Dominicana. Prologue by Harry Hoetink. Santo Domingo: Ediciones Siboney, Coleccíon Contemporáneos 4, 1981. iv + 210 pp.-Edward Dew, Andrés Serbin, Nacionalismo, etnicidad y política en la República Cooperativa de Guyana. Caracas: Editorial Bruguera Venezolana, 1981. 276 pp.-Charles V. Carnegie, S. Allen Counter ,I sought my brother: an Afro-American reunion. Foreword by Alex Haley. Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1981. xxi + 276 pp., David L. Evans (eds)-Humphrey Lamur, A.F. Lammens, Bijdragen tot de kennis van de kolonie Suriname, tijdvak 1816 tot 1822. Edited by G.A. de Bruijne. Amsterdam: Vrije Universiteit, Bijdragen tot de Sociale Geografie en Planologie 3, 1982. xx + 198 pp.-Dirk H. van der Elst, Chris de Beet ,Aantekeningen over de geschiedenis van de Kwinti en het dagboek van Kraag (1894-1896). Utrecht: Center for Caribbean Studies, University of Utrecht, Bronnen voor de Studie van Bosneger Samenlevingen 6, 1980. 76 pp., Miriam Sterman (eds)-Jeroen J.H. Dekker, A.J.M. Kunst, Recht, commercie en kolonialisme in West-Indië. Zutphen: De Walburg Pers, 1981. 374 pp.-W.E. Renkema, William Charles de la Try Ellis, Antilliana. (Edited by J.E. Spruit and E. Voges, and distributed under the auspices of the University of the Netherlands Antilles). Zutphen: De Wallburg Pers, 1981. 206 pp.-Ank Klomp, Jeroen J.H. Dekker, Curacao zonder/met Shell: een bijdrage tot de bestudering van demografische, economishce en sociale processen in de periode 1900-1929. Zutphen: De Walburg Pers, 1982.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 35-43
Author(s):  
Prilly Bicknell-Hersco

Millions of people have been victim to violent and inhumane social injustices, many of them based on racial and cultural hierarchies. The Nazi Holocaust or the colonization of North America through the genocide of indigenous populations are examples of such instances. When these victims have no direct claim on those who committed the harm, the victims turn to the government for reparations. It can be said that the enslavement of Africans in the Caribbean is another painful and violent injustice, yet few reparations, if any at all, have been paid out to those most affected by the transatlantic slave trade. In 2013, CARICOM released an official request for Reparations for the Native Genocide and Slavery from the United Kingdom and the other European colonies. The discussion of reparations for slavery has ignited debate worldwide.


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