scholarly journals Reducing US Cancer Burden and Disparities Through National and Targeted Food Price Policies (P04-101-19)

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Heesun Eom ◽  
Parke Wilde ◽  
Frederick Cudhea ◽  
Mengxi Du ◽  
Dominique Michaud ◽  
...  

Abstract Objectives Disparities in cancer among low-income Americans in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) are well documented. While policies to alter food prices (taxes, subsidies) have demonstrated success at changing dietary intakes, the effectiveness of these policies on reducing cancer burdens and disparities has not been quantified. We aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of population strategies on reducing US cancer burdens and disparities through national or targeted food price policies. Methods A Comparative Risk Assessment (CRA) model was used to assess the effectiveness of 9 different potential policies for reducing cancer burden and disparity among US adults in 2015. These included (1) 5 policies with varying levels (10%, 30%) of subsidies on fruits, vegetables, and whole grains, with and without 10% taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages and processed meats for the general US population, (2) a targeted 30% subsidy in SNAP, and (3) combinations of the general policies and targeted SNAP policy. Data inputs included national demographic and dietary data on the US adult population and SNAP participants from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey 2009–2014, cancer incidence from the Surveillance, Epidemiology and End Results (SEER), and policy effects and diet-cancer effects from meta-analyses. Cancer disparities were quantified as the difference in cancer incidence between SNAP participants and higher-income individuals. Uncertainty in each parameter was jointly incorporated using probabilistic sensitivity analysis (PSA) with 1000 simulations. Results All policies reduced cancer burdens, with between ∼5 to 40 new cases per million adults prevented annually (Figure 1). The national 30% subsidy +10% tax produced largest overall benefits, averting an estimated 6875 new cancer cases (28 cases per million US adults) per year. The 10% national tax +30% SNAP-targeted food subsidies produced the largest reduction in cancer disparities (14 more cases averted per million among SNAP vs. higher-income individuals) (Figure 2). Conclusions All national food price policies meaningfully reduced cancer burdens, while SNAP-targeted food price policies, alone or in combination with national policies, reduced cancer disparities. Funding Sources This study was supported by NIH/NIMHD. Supporting Tables, Images and/or Graphs

2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (6) ◽  
pp. 1091-1097 ◽  
Author(s):  
George C Davis ◽  
Andrea Carlson

AbstractObjectiveAn important debate in the literature is whether or not higher energy-dense foods are cheaper than less energy-dense foods. The present communication develops and applies an easy statistical test to determine if the relationship between food price and energy density is an artifact of how the data units are constructed (i.e. is it ‘spurious’ or ‘real’?).DesignAfter matching data on 4430 different foods from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey with corresponding prices from the Center for Nutrition Policy and Promotion’s Food Prices Database, we use a simple regression model to test if the relationship between food price and energy density is ‘real’ or ‘spurious’.SettingUSA.SubjectsTotal sample size is 4430 observations of consumed foods from 4578 participants from the non-institutionalized US adult population (aged 19 years and over).ResultsOver all 4430 foods, the null hypothesis of a spurious inverse relationship between food price per energy density and energy density is not rejected. When the analysis is broken down by twenty-five food groups, there are only two cases where the inverse relationship is not spurious. In fact, the majority of non-spurious relationships between food price and energy density are positive, not negative.ConclusionsOne of the main arguments put forth regarding the poor diet quality of low-income households is that high energy-dense food is cheaper than lower energy-dense food. We find almost no statistical support for higher energy-dense food being cheaper than low energy-dense food. While economics certainly plays a role in explaining low nutritional quality, more sophisticated economic arguments are required and discussed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Gundersen ◽  
Elaine Waxman ◽  
Amy S. Crumbaugh

The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) serves as the primary tool to alleviate food insecurity in the United States. Its effectiveness has been demonstrated in numerous studies, but the majority of SNAP recipients are still food insecure. One factor behind this is the difference in food prices across the country—SNAP benefits are not adjusted to reflect these differences. Using information from Feeding America's Map the Meal Gap (MMG) project, we compare the cost of a meal by county based on the Thrifty Food Plan (TFP)—which is used to set the maximum SNAP benefit—with the cost of the average meal for low-income food-secure households. We find that the cost of the latter meal is higher than the TFP meal for over 99 percent of the counties. We next consider the reduction in food insecurity if, by county, the maximum SNAP benefit level was set to the cost of the average meal for low-income food-secure households. We find that if this approach were implemented, there would be a decline of 50.9 percent in food insecurity among SNAP recipients at a cost of $23 billion.


Author(s):  
Donald F. Larson

This chapter examines food prices from 1900 to 2015. Despite growing populations, rising incomes, new technologies, globalization, and the emergence of commodities as an asset class, no trends are evident in food price levels or volatility. Still, food prices have averaged higher since 2010, harming the poor and raising fears that agricultural productivity growth has slowed. Consistently since 1900, food prices have been more volatile than the prices of manufactured goods and most other commodity groups. This relation drives terms-of-trade volatility, which slows economic growth. At the farm level, price volatility impedes investment and technology adoption, and encourages low-income livelihood strategies. Past policies to manage food prices have not worked and governments have shifted to policies aimed at mitigating the consequences of high and volatile food prices. Extending the reach of risk markets, warehouse receipt systems, index insurance, and contract farming can be useful policy components.


2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 575-591
Author(s):  
Rickard James Volpe

This article investigates the extent to which national brand and private label (store brand) prices behave differently as food price inflation changes. Empirical tests using a range of indices support the hypotheses that rising commodity and fuel prices lead to relatively larger surges in private label prices. When food prices are rising or high, the average price difference between national brands and private labels shrinks. The findings have implications for understanding the welfare effects of private labels. Moreover, they suggest that food price inflation is stronger for low-income households as food prices rise.


1999 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPHER B. BARRETT

This paper explores the interrelationship between poverty, risk, and deforestation by small farmers in the low-income tropics. A nonseparable household model reveals how exogenous shocks to the mean or variance of a food price distribution might affect peasants' incentives to clear forest. The resulting links between food price policy, farmer behavior, and deforestation offer an innovative explanation of the vicious cycle of peasant immiserization and tropical deforestation. An intriguing, testable hypothesis also emerges: that market-oriented reforms that increase the mean and variance of food prices may inadvertently stimulate deforestation in economies in which a sizable proportion of farmers are net buyers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodhiah Umaroh ◽  
Evita Hanie Pangaribowo

Introduction/Main Objectives: Significant price increases of food commodities and uncertainty in the market probably have a severe impact on society and especially on the low-income households in it. Background Problems: The increases in food price could have a large impact on the economy and specifically on that of households. Thus, the study was conducted to investigate what the demand for food specifically high-nutrient food and the impact on welfare are like in Indonesian households when food prices rise. Novelty: There were bulk of empirical researches on the impact of food price changes on household welfare, however the study focused on high-nutrient commodities in particular on the self-produced food was still limited. many of the previous studies used cross-section data for one period but this study used two-wave longitudinal data Research Methods: Using large sample data from Indonesian Family Life Survey (IFLS), the study employed the Quadratic Almost Ideal Demand System (QUAIDS) to identify the demand pattern and applied Compensating Variation (CV) to understand the impact of soaring food price on welfare change Finding/Results: Overall, The analysis of welfare impact notes that when the price increases, all household groups would experience welfare loss. The poorest household would be lower in level of experiencing welfare loss than the richest household while more welfare loss is suffered by households that live in Java and rural areas. Conclusion: For the low-income households, having their own productive farm could overcome an economic shock threatening them. Thus, the government should support small-scale farming through such strategic policies as giving them input assistance and training in how to manage a small farm.m.


1995 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
A.J. Cataldo

The Revenue Reconciliation Act of 1993 (RRA93) significantly expanded the earned income credit (EIC), which was changed to include low-income taxpayers without dependents. Evolving, most directly, from the “workfare” plan (1972) proposed by Senate Finance Committee Chairman, Russel B. Long, and in response to President Nixon's Family Assistance Program (FAP), the post-1974 EIC was not the first of its kind. It had two predecessors. The EIC of 1923 through 1931 benefitted taxpayers with or without dependents and excluded any “workfare” feature. A second EIC, in name only, was in effect for the 1934 through 1943 tax years. This paper develops a historical framework for study of the post-1974 EIC. This framework necessarily precedes any investigation of contemporary issues relating to the twenty-year history of the post-1974 EIC which, unlike its first predecessor, appears destined to continue as a permanent, expanding mechanism for the delivery of basic subsistence to the “working poor.” The resolution of these contemporary issues will determine whether the post-1974 EIC is destined to replace or continue to co-exist with a (presumably) more costly welfare delivery system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 149 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon I Kirkpatrick ◽  
Patricia M Guenther ◽  
Deirdre Douglass ◽  
Thea Zimmerman ◽  
Lisa L Kahle ◽  
...  

ABSTRACT Background Evidence is lacking informing the use of the Automated Self-Administered 24-h Dietary Assessment Tool (ASA24) with populations characterized by low income. Objective This study was conducted among women with low incomes to evaluate the accuracy of ASA24 recalls completed independently and with assistance. Methods Three hundred and two women, aged ≥18 y and with incomes below the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program thresholds, served themselves from a buffet; amounts taken as well as plate waste were unobtrusively weighed to enable calculation of true intake for 3 meals. The following day, women completed ASA24-2016 independently (n = 148) or with assistance from a trained paraprofessional in a small group (n = 154). Regression modeling examined differences by condition in agreement between true and reported foods; energy, nutrient, and food group intakes; and portion sizes. Results Participants who completed ASA24 independently and those who received assistance reported matches for 71.9% and 73.5% (P = 0.56) of items truly consumed, respectively. Exclusions (consumed but not reported) were highest for lunch (at which participants consumed approximately 2 times the number of distinct foods and beverages compared with breakfast and dinner). Commonly excluded foods were additions to main dishes (e.g., tomatoes in salad). On average, excluded foods contributed 43.6 g (46.2 kcal) and 40.1 g (43.2 kcal) among those in the independent and assisted conditions, respectively. Gaps between true and reported intake were different between conditions for folate and iron. Within conditions, significant gaps were observed for protein, vitamin D, and meat (both conditions); vitamin A, iron, and magnesium (independent); and folate, calcium, and vegetables (assisted). For foods and beverages for which matches were reported, no difference in the gap between true and reported portion sizes was observed by condition (P = 0.22). Conclusions ASA24 performed relatively well among women with low incomes; however, accuracy was somewhat lower than previously observed among adults with a range of incomes. The provision of assistance did not significantly impact accuracy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (6) ◽  
pp. 1103-1111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria L Mayer ◽  
Kevin McDonough ◽  
Hilary Seligman ◽  
Nandita Mitra ◽  
Judith A Long

AbstractObjectiveTo examine the relationship between food insecurity and coping strategies (actions taken to manage economic stress) hypothesized to worsen glucose control in patients with diabetes.DesignUsing a cross-sectional telephone survey and clinical data, we compared food-insecure and food-secure individuals in their use of coping strategies. Using logistic regression models, we then examined the association between poor glucose control (glycated Hb, HbA1c≥8·0 %), food insecurity and coping strategies.SettingAn urban medical centre, between June and December 2013.SubjectsFour hundred and seven adults likely to be low income (receiving Medicaid or uninsured and/or residing in a zip code with >30 % of the population below the federal poverty level) with type 2 diabetes.ResultsOf respondents, 40·5 % were food insecure. A significantly higher percentage of the food-insecure group reported use of most examined coping strategies, including foregone medical care, participation in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP)) and use of emergency food programmes. Food insecurity was associated with poor glucose control (OR=2·23; 95 % CI 1·22, 4·10); coping strategies that were more common among the food insecure were not associated with poor glucose control. Among the food insecure, receipt of SNAP was associated with lower risk of poor glucose control (OR=0·27; 95 % CI 0·09, 0·80).ConclusionsWhile food insecurity was associated with poor glucose control, most examined coping strategies did not explain this relationship. However, receipt of SNAP among food-insecure individuals was associated with better diabetes control, suggesting that such programmes may play a role in improving health.


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