scholarly journals Using inferred drivers of discarding behaviour to evaluate discard mitigation measures

2013 ◽  
Vol 71 (5) ◽  
pp. 1277-1285 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. L. Catchpole ◽  
J. P. Feekings ◽  
N. Madsen ◽  
A. Palialexis ◽  
V. Vassilopoulou ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Simple Model ◽  
Policy Reform ◽  
Mitigation Measures ◽  
Commercial Fishing ◽  
Member States ◽  
Fisheries Policy ◽  
Minimum Landing Size

Abstract Discards refer to the part of the catch not retained on board during commercial fishing operations, but returned to the sea. The proposed European Union Common Fisheries Policy reform, to be implemented in 2014, sets out a gradual elimination of discards by reducing unwanted catches and ensuring that all catches are landed. To develop successful discard mitigation measures, it is necessary to identify the reasons for discarding. Here, we have developed a simple model that can be applied to data from observer programmes (ObsPs) to establish the contribution of different drivers of discarding behaviour. The analysis makes inferences on the causes of discarding by partitioning discards into four categories based on the length of the fish and the associated regulatory restrictions. The drivers are defined as: fish discarded below the legal minimum landing size; fish for which there is no market and that do not have a minimum landing size; fish for which there are inconsistencies in market and sorting practices; and discards that can be attributed to fishers' responses to quota restrictions. The approach is applied to data generated from ObsPs from five European Member States. All the inferred drivers contribute to the total discard quantity. Their relative contributions vary widely across countries, areas, gears, and species.

scholarly journals RISK-BASED APPROACH IN THE EUROPEAN UNION LEGISLATION TO PREVENT MONEY LAUNDERING AND FINANCING OF TERRORISM

2020 ◽  
pp. 43-52
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Money Laundering ◽  
National Level ◽  
Mitigation Measures ◽  
Specific Situation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Financial Flows ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Eu

Money laundering and terrorism financing are serious and internationally emerging issues that must be approached and confronted at European Union level. The latest terrorist attacks and periodic banking scandals highlight the necessity for additional attention in this particular direction. In regard to the internal EU market, financial flows are integrated and trans-border by nature, thus funds can circulate rapidly, from one country to another, offering the possibility to perpetrators and terrorists to transfer money across Member State avoiding detection by authorities. This specific situation generates the necessity to identify and understand the particular ML/TF risks generated by services and products offered within the EU economic and financial ecosystem. In order to ensure an efficient mechanism for identifying the ML/TF risks associated with the products and services provided on the territory of European Union, the 4AMLD provides the obligation of the EU Commission to perform once in two years the so-called European Union Money Laundering and Terrorist Financing Supranational Risk Assessment. Since 2017 two supra-national risk assessments were carried out and the final results are used by Member States to monitor the evolution of risks at Union level and to implement the necessary recommendation for ensuring a proper minimization of threats and vulnerabilities at the national level. This paper aims to analyze, understand and compare the main outcomes of the two assessments, namely the identified risks and their links with vulnerable sectors, as well as the evolution or devolution of certain risks as a result of mitigation measures applied by EU Member States. Another task of this article is to provide additional recommendations in terms of mitigating measures and efforts, which must be taken into account by Member States

The European Union “Fish Wars”

2015 ◽  
pp. 71-81
Author(s):  
D. Rudenkova
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Dispute Settlement ◽  
Environmental Safety ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Economic Stability ◽  
Member States ◽  
Fisheries Policy ◽  
Dispute Settlement Procedure ◽  
Trade Conflicts ◽  
The Eu

The European Union member states are dramatically vulnerable in fisheries management and related issues of market and trade policy. The Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) is designed to promote sustainable fishing following principles of both environmental safety and economic stability over the long-term perspective. The CFP was first introduced in 1970 and since that time went though several updates. The most recent reform took effect on January 1st, 2014. This article seeks to analyse new practices and principles of CFP in the framework of multilevel governance concept. The reform has changed the way in which the CFP is managed, giving EU members greater control at national and regional levels which does not affect established principles of supranational governance in fisheries policy. As a major fishing power and the largest single market for fisheries products in the world, the EU also plays an important role in promoting better governance through a number of international organisations. The examples of “herring wars” and “tuna wars” give understanding of CFP decision-making process on international level and dispute settlement procedure through WTO. While analyzing both cases one may conclude that the EU is likely to handle trade conflicts through negotiations and consultations rather than through litigation. However, due to emerging trade conflicts with the third parties and further dispute settlement in the WTO the Eropean Union has to temper its ambitions and adjust its approach and pathway of global governance. Before pretending to being a true international actor the EU would better reconcile all the contradictions between its member states in order to be able to manage emerging crises and fully implement its decisions. Acknowledgment. The article has been prepared in the framework of the grant of Russian Humanitarian Scientific Fund, no. 14-07-00046.

Bir güvensizlik ülkesi olarak Türkiye’nin mültecileri, Suriyeliler ve Türk mülteciler

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Sirkeci
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Syrian Refugees ◽  
Member States ◽  
Refugee Population ◽  
Syrian Crisis ◽  
Syrian Refugee ◽  
Generous Support ◽  
The Eu

Doğu ve güney komşuları üzerinde gelen göç akınlarının ve üye ülkeler arasındaki göçlerin artışıyla Avrupa Birliği (AB) en büyük krizlerinden birini yaşamaktadır. Avrupa’daki en ana tartışma konuları arasında Avrupa’ya göçü ve AB içindeki göçü sınırlamak ve üye ülkeler arasında mülteci kotası ve külfet paylaşımına yapılan itirazlar yer aldı. Bu krizde Türkiye anahtar ülke olarak ortaya çıktı ve ülkedeki büyük Suriyeli mülteci nüfusu ve bu nüfusun Avrupa’ya gitmesini engellemesi karşılığında vaat edilen milyarlarca Avro nedeniyle tartışmaların odağında yer aldı. Suriye krizi 4,8 milyon mülteci yarattı ve 2016 yılı sonu itibariyle bunların 2,8 milyonu Türkiye’de ikamet etmekteydi. Suriyeli mültecilere karşı cömert tavrıyla Türkiye güvenli bir ülke olarak tescil edilmiş oldu. Bu, hikayenin daha karanlık bir başka yüzünü gölgelemektedir. Çünkü aynı ülkenin vatandaşları 1980 askeri darbesinden bu yana milyonu aşkın sığınma başvurusu yaptılar. Ülkenin bugünkü şartları ve yeni veriler, Türkiye’den AB’ye yönelen daha çok mülteci akını olacağını gösteriyor. ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHTurkey’s refugees, Syrians and refugees from Turkey: a country of insecurityThe European Union (EU) has faced one of its biggest crises with the rise of population inflows through its Eastern and Southern neighbours as well as movements within the Union. In 2016, the main debate that dominated Europe was on restricting migration within and into the EU along with concerns and objections to the refugee quota systems and the sharing of the burden among member states. Turkey emerged as a ‘gate keeper’ in this crisis and has since been at the centre of debates because of the large Syrian refugee population in the country and billions of Euros it was promised to prevent refugees travelling to Europe. The Syrian crisis produced over 4.8 million refugees with over 2.8 million were based in Turkey by the end of 2016. Turkey with its generous support for Syrian refugees has been confirmed as a ‘country of security’. This shadows the darker side of affairs as the very same country has also produced millions of asylum seekers since the 1980 military coup. Current circumstances and fresh evidence indicate that there will be more EU bound refugees coming through and from Turkey. 

Political aspects of security of the European Union Member States

2020 ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kusztykiewicz-Fedurek
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Political Security ◽  
New Institutions ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Key Aspects ◽  
The Eu

Political security is very often considered through the prism of individual states. In the scholar literature in-depth analyses of this kind of security are rarely encountered in the context of international entities that these countries integrate. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to key aspects of political security in the European Union (EU) Member States. The EU as a supranational organisation, gathering Member States first, ensures the stability of the EU as a whole, and secondly, it ensures that Member States respect common values and principles. Additionally, the EU institutions focus on ensuring the proper functioning of the Eurozone (also called officially “euro area” in EU regulations). Actions that may have a negative impact on the level of the EU’s political security include the boycott of establishing new institutions conducive to the peaceful coexistence and development of states. These threats seem to have a significant impact on the situation in the EU in the face of the proposed (and not accepted by Member States not belonging to the Eurogroup) Eurozone reforms concerning, inter alia, appointment of the Minister of Economy and Finance and the creation of a new institution - the European Monetary Fund.

Ranking of European Union Member States Based on the Level of Knowledge Created by the Research and Development Sector

2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-56
Author(s):  
Krystyna Romaniuk
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Research And Development ◽  
Knowledge Creation ◽  
Union Member ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Ranking Methods ◽  
Member States ◽  
Management Paradigms ◽  
Level Of Knowledge ◽  
European Union Member States

The contemporary era is characterized by revolutionary changes in the economy, technological progress, social and political life. Globalization exerts pressure on businesses and entire economies to increase their competitive strength which is defined as the ability to create knowledge. Knowledge creation and management became the new management paradigms. The responsibility for knowledge creation rests mainly upon the research and development sector. The aim of this study was to rank European Union Member States based on the level of knowledge created by their respective research and development sectors and to identify knowledge creation leaders. The analysis relied on EUROSTAT data for 2007-2011 and linear ranking methods with a reference standard. Our results indicate that Western European and Scandinavian countries are the leaders in the area of knowledge creation.

Foreign Affairs Federalism in the European Union

2019 ◽  
pp. 331-351
Author(s):  
Robert Schütze
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
International Law ◽  
Legal Order ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
European Court ◽  
Treaty Of Rome ◽  
Formed Part ◽  
Mixed Agreements

The European Union was born as an international organization. The 1957 Treaty of Rome formed part of international law, although the European Court of Justice was eager to emphasize that the Union constitutes “a new legal order” of international law. With time, this new legal order has indeed evolved into a true “federation of States.” Yet how would the foreign affairs powers of this new supranational entity be divided? Would the European Union gradually replace the member states, or would it preserve their distinct and diverse foreign affairs voices? In the past sixty years, the Union has indeed significantly sharpened its foreign affairs powers. While still based on the idea that it has no plenary power, the Union’s external competences have expanded dramatically, and today it is hard to identify a nucleus of exclusive foreign affairs powers reserved for the member states. And in contrast to a classic international law perspective, the Union’s member states only enjoy limited treaty-making powers under European law. Their foreign affairs powers are limited by the exclusive powers of the Union, and they may be preempted through European legislation. There are, however, moments when both the Union and its states enjoy overlapping foreign affairs powers. For these situations, the Union legal order has devised a number of cooperative mechanisms to safeguard a degree of “unity” in the external actions of the Union. Mixed agreements constitute an international mechanism that brings the Union and the member states to the same negotiating table. The second constitutional device is internal to the Union legal order: the duty of cooperation.

Review by Constitutional Courts of the Obligation of National Courts of Last Instance to Refer a Preliminary Question to the Court of Justice of the EU

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (6) ◽  
pp. 1663-1700 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clelia Lacchi
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Constitutional Courts ◽  
Member States ◽  
Constitutional Review ◽  
National Courts ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
Judicial Remedy ◽  
The Eu

The Constitutional Courts of a number of Member States exert a constitutional review on the obligation of national courts of last instance to make a reference for a preliminary ruling to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU).Pursuant to Article 267(3) TFEU, national courts of last instance, namely courts or tribunals against whose decisions there is no judicial remedy under national law, are required to refer to the CJEU for a preliminary question related to the interpretation of the Treaties or the validity and interpretation of acts of European Union (EU) institutions. The CJEU specified the exceptions to this obligation inCILFIT. Indeed, national courts of last instance have a crucial role according to the devolution to national judges of the task of ensuring, in collaboration with the CJEU, the full application of EU law in all Member States and the judicial protection of individuals’ rights under EU law. With preliminary references as the keystone of the EU judicial system, the cooperation of national judges with the CJEU forms part of the EU constitutional structure in accordance with Article 19(1) TEU.

scholarly journals European Regional Inequalities: The Other Face of Development

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
Celeste Perrucchini ◽  
Hiroshi Ito
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Capita Income ◽  
Relevant Literature ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Per Capita Income ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Per Capita

Empirical evidence suggests an overall convergence in terms of GDP and per capita income occurring among the European Union (EU) Member States. Nevertheless, economic inequalities have been increasing at the regional level within European Union countries. Through the review of relevant literature, this study analyzes the increasing inequalities from an economical point of view, focusing on Italy and the UK as examples. First, a general overlook of the empirical evidence of the GDP and per capita income at national and sub-national levels will be presented. Second, an explanation of the possible causes of the results will be proposed through the use of economical and sociological theories. The findings of this research might uncover the relative inefficacy of EU Cohesion policies and point towards the necessity for deeper and more thoughtful measures to continue the convergence of Member States while preserving internal equilibria. This paper ends with discussions for the future directions of the EU.

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