Part 2 The Post-Cold War Era (1990–2000), 37 The ECOWAS Intervention in Liberia—1990–97

Author(s):  
Villani Ugo

This contribution examines the intervention of ECOWAS in Liberia following the civil war begun at the end of 1989. After recalling the historical context of the Liberian crisis, the decisions of ECOWAS, and the establishment of the Cease-fire Monitoring Group for Liberia (ECOMOG), it considers the positions of member states of ECOWAS, of the OUA, and especially of the Security Council. Then the contribution discusses the legality of the operation of ECOMOG, according to the ECOWAS system, as well as to general international law and the United Nations Charter, particularly Article 53 relating to regional organizations. The final section examines the impact of the intervention in Liberia on the development of the ECOWAS role in the maintenance of peace and security. It concludes that such intervention confirms that both humanitarian emergencies and civil wars now constitute threats to international peace and security and shows the usefulness of integrated forms of cooperation between regional organizations and the Security Council.

Author(s):  
Klein Pierre

This contribution gives an account of the actions undertaken under the auspices of the United Nations in order to restore peace and security in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1992 and 1995, in the context of the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia. It describes the measures taken by the UN Security Council, the mandate and deployment of UNPROFOR —the UN peacekeeping operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina— and the actions undertaken in support thereto by other organizations such as NATO and the Western European Union. This chapter also discusses the legal issues that gave rise to discussion in that context (particularly regarding the extent of the authorization to use force given by the Security Council and the degree of control exercised —or not— thereon) and the impact of this precedent on the rules relating to the use of force in self-defence, on the one hand, and on the use of coercive measures under Chapter VII of the Charter in co-operation with regional organizations or arrangements, on the other.


Author(s):  
Manuel Fröhlich ◽  
Abiodun Williams

The Conclusion returns to the guiding questions introduced in the Introduction, looking at the way in which the book’s chapters answered them. As such, it identifies recurring themes, experiences, structures, motives, and trends over time. By summarizing the result of the chapters’ research into the interaction between the Secretaries-General and the Security Council, some lessons are identified on the changing calculus of appointments, the conditions and relevance of the international context, the impact of different personalities in that interaction, the changes in agenda and composition of the Council as well as different formats of interaction and different challenges to be met in the realm of peace and security, administration, and reform, as well as concepts and norms. Taken together, they also illustrate the potential and limitations of UN executive action.


2019 ◽  
pp. 346-374
Author(s):  
Gleider Hernández

This chapter looks at the use of force and collective security. Today, the United Nations Charter embodies the indispensable principles of international law on the use of force. These include the prohibition on the unilateral use of force found in Article 2(4), and the recognition of the inherent right of all States to use force in self-defence found in Article 51. Finally, under Chapter VII, a collective security system centred upon the Security Council was established for the maintenance of international peace and security. A key debate over the scope of Article 2(4) is whether a new exception has been recognized which would allow the use of force motivated by humanitarian considerations. It is argued that these ‘humanitarian interventions’ would allow a State to use force to protect people in another State from gross and systematic human rights violations when the target State is unwilling or unable to act.


Author(s):  
Sheena Chestnut Greitens

This chapter deals with humanitarian interventions and peace operations. It first describes the transition from traditional peacekeeping to more ambitious post-cold war peace operations, paying attention to some of the difficulties of principle and practice that emerged in that transition. It then considers the politics of intervention and the constraints imposed by international and domestic politics, focusing on the politics of the United Nations Security Council and the impact of Western public opinion on humanitarian interventions. It also analyses the applicability of the main principles of war to peace operations and how these principles interact with political imperatives. The chapter concludes by discussing future challenges for peacekeeping and the effects of peacekeeping, taking into account the perspectives of the individuals and communities targeted by intervention and peacekeeping efforts.


Author(s):  
sam cook ◽  
Louise Allen

In the decades since the Security Council adopted its first resolution on Women, Peace and Security this thematic policy area has both expanded and deepened. Although there are key institutional and geo-political continuities to be traced here, the contours of the space into which WPS policy now emerges has also shifted profoundly. Emerging out of a conversation between two former NGO policy advocates this article explores some of these continuities and changes. With a combined experience spanning 15 years of the WPS Agenda at the UN’s Headquarters in New York, Louise Allen (NGO Working Group Executive Director 2014-2018) and Sam Cook (WILPF, PeaceWomen Project Director, 2005-2010) reflect on and weave together a range of concerns: the significance and ethical challenges of the Council’s behind-the-scenes politics; the shifting role of NGOs in relation to WPS policy development; the impact of advances in communication technology; and perhaps most cogently for ongoing political efforts, the challenges and rewards of working in feminist coalition and toward a shared feminist future.


2011 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 91-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Van Hoeymissen

African regional organizations play a significant role in maintaining peace and security on their continent. This article looks at how China, as an emerging power in Africa, has incorporated these organizations into its policies on African security crises. It asserts that China has explicitly endorsed regional conflict resolution mechanisms, which it perceives as having a less intrusive impact on third world countries' sovereignty than have initiatives taken under the global collective security system led by the UN Security Council. Moreover, China strengthening cooperation with African regional organizations and aligning its stance with the views emerging from these regional bodies is an important way in which China has tried to respond to the rising security challenges and political demands it is faced with in Africa. The article briefly considers what influence China's increased attention to African regional bodies is having on efforts by Africa's traditional donors to help build – but also shape – Africa's emerging peace and security architecture.


1991 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy L. H. McCormack

Article 51 of the United Nations Charter states that:Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken the measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. Measures taken by Members in the exercise of this right of selfdefense shall be immediately reported to the Security Council and shall not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council under the present Charter to take at any time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security.International lawyers are still arguing about the scope of the right of self-defence in Article 51 of the U.N. Charter. Most of the arguments focus on the semantics of Article 51. Those who argue for a “restrictive view” of the provision emphasise the qualifying phrase “if an armed attack occurs”.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 241-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alena F. Douhan

The United Nations organization was planned to be established as a single universal system of collective security. Major efforts were supposed to be taken by the UN Security Council. Regional organizations were introduced into the system as a subordinate subsidiary means – elements of the system. Over the course of the time it has, however, appeared that the UN Security Council was not able to act in the way prescribed by the UN Charter in suppressing newly emerged threats and challenges in the sphere of security. In the contrary, the role of regional organizations has increased substantially. They do the majority of tasks in the sphere of maintenance of international peace and security, often without authorization or even informing the UN Security Council, although the legality of some of these actions may be dubious. As a result, the Council itself transfers the accent in relations between the UN and regional organizations from subsidiarity to complementarity or even partnership. It is thus necessary to re-check the meaning of the concepts of complementarity and subsidiarity as well as the UN Charter provisions in the changed circumstances and to specify principles of the new system.


Author(s):  
Peter Geschiere

The renewed relevance of “autochthony” and similar notions of belonging in many parts of Africa is symptomatic of the confusing changes on the continent since the “post-Cold War moment.” Africa is certainly not exceptional in this respect. The “new world order,” so triumphantly announced by President George H. W. Bush in 1990 after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the apparent victory of capitalism turned out to be marked by intensifying global flows, as expected, but also by an increasing obsession with belonging all over the globe, which was less expected. Yet, it may be important to emphasize as well that this upsurge of struggles over local belonging took on special aspects in Africa. The notion of autochthony has its own history on the continent, going back to the impact of colonialism, but building on older distinctions. However, it always sat uneasily with what many historians and anthropologists see as characteristic for African social formations: a heavy emphasis on mobility and inclusion of people: wealth in people. Since the last decades of the 20th century, there seems to be an increasing closure of local communities in many parts of the continent: a growing emphasis on exclusion rather than inclusion of newcomers, immigrants, or “strangers.” After a brief sketch of the history of autochthony on the continent, also in relation to parallel notions like ethnicity and indigeneity, the focus is placed on the factors behind such a tendency toward closure: increasing land scarcity, and especially the changing global context since 1990. In many parts of the continent, the neo-liberal twin of democratization and decentralization had the effect that the feeling of belonging to the village became of crucial importance again, as well for people who had already lived for generations in the cities. The implications of such a growing preoccupation with autochthony and local belonging for national citizenship and notions on civil society are highly variable and depend on historical context. However, one recurrent trait is the paradox between a promise of basic security (how can one belong more than if one is rooted in the soil?) and a practice of deep uncertainty. The receding quality of these claims to belong—autochthony as a basic denial of history, which always implies movement—allows that they always can be contested: One’s autochthony can always be unmasked as “fake,” with someone else belonging more. Autochthony can be institutionalized in various forms and to various degrees, but its basic uncertainty gives it a violent potential.


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