Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel: Philosophy of Politics

Philosophy ◽  
2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thom Brooks

G. W. F. Hegel is widely considered to be one of the most important philosophers in the history of philosophy. This entry focuses on his contributions to political philosophy, with particular attention paid to his seminal work: the Philosophy of Right. A particular focus will be placed on Hegel’s theories of freedom, contract and property, punishment, morality, family, civil society, law, and the state.

Author(s):  
Petr V. Klenin

The article deals with the historical and philosophical examination of the educational concepts by Plato and Fichte. The philosophers selected for comparative studies present a view of education as an engine of political changes, that`s why the article emphasizes philosophical explication of their positions. Plato’s and Fichte’s views on the problem of education are different as they both lived in different époques, but they were times of crisis. However, their loyalty to the societal ideal, the purpose of rethinking the value of education in the state, make it possible to compare their teachings. Education in Plato’s philosophy aims to change the state fundamentally, when education in Fichte’s philosophy contributes to its transformation. The specific pedagogical procedures established by both philosophers are in focus of this article and are important for understanding the relationship of philosophy and education. Thus, Plato proposes to divide pedagogical tasks in accordance with inequality of social estates, while Fichte considers education as a national project for civil society. The relevance of this problem stems from modern appeals to reform the education system depending on political and social problems, but philosophers approach this issue from а different point of view and it is important to trace the peculiarities of this approach in light of history of Philosophy.


Philosophy ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 55 (212) ◽  
pp. 149-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Stroud

Locke was once supposed to have argued that since the colours, sounds, odours, and other ‘secondary’ qualities things appear to have can vary greatly according to the state and position of the observer, it follows that our ideas of the ‘secondary’ qualities of things do not ‘resemble’ anything existing in the objects themselves. And Berkeley has been credited with the obvious objection that similar facts about the ‘relativity’ of our perception of ‘primary’ qualities show that they do not ‘resemble’ anything existing in the objects either, so that both ‘primary’ and ‘secondary’ qualities exist only ‘in the mind’. The falsity of this view of Locke has been amply demonstrated in recent years, but no corresponding revision has been made in what remains the standard interpretation of Berkeley's criticisms of Locke. His objections therefore appear to be based on misunderstanding and to be irrelevant to what is now seen to be Locke's actual view and his reasons for holding it. I think this account of Berkeley, like the old view of Locke, is a purely fictional chapter in the history of philosophy, and in this paper I try to show that Berkeley's criticisms involve no misunderstanding and amount to a direct denial of the view Locke actually held.


Author(s):  
Christopher W. Morris

It is often said that the subject matter of political philosophy is the nature and justification of the state. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel thinks that political science is “nothing other than an attempt to comprehend and portray the state as an inherently rational entity.” John Rawls famously understands “the primary subject of justice [to be] the basic structure of society,” restricting his attentions to a society “conceived for the time being as a closed system isolated from other societies,” and assuming that “the boundaries of these schemes are given by the notion of a self-contained national community.” Contemporary political philosophers often follow suit, disagreeing about what states should do, and simply assuming that they are the proper agents of justice or reform. The history of philosophy and the development of political concepts seem to be central to understanding the state. The influence of Roman law and republican government, and the rediscovery of Aristotle in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, are obvious important influences. The modern state emerged first in Western Europe in early modern times.


2008 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boris DeWiel

The idea of civil society has undergone a renaissance in recent years, but missing from this literature is an explanation for its historical transformation in meaning. Originally civil society was synonymous with political society, but the common modem meaning emphasizes autonomy from the state. This paper traces this historical transformation within the context of the history of ideas, and suggests that the critical event was an eighteenth-century reaction against the rationalistic universalism associated with the French Enlightenment. The continued significance of the question of universalism is suggested by the fact that universalistic Marxist Leninist theories provided the ideological underpinnings for the destruction of civil society in Eastern European nations. The paper concludes that three elements are essential to the modern understanding of civil society: its autonomy from the state, its interdependence with the state, and the pluralism of values, ideals and ways of life embodied in its institutions.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 1056-1057
Author(s):  
Ronald Beiner

Modern Social Imaginaries, Charles Taylor, Durham: Duke University Press, 2004, pp. 215The originality of Charles Taylor's thought can be seen in the fact that it is not easy to “place” his work over the last fifteen years in the categories of standard academic disciplines. It is not really political philosophy. It is not really sociology (though it perhaps leans more towards sociology than towards political philosophy). It is something else. But what? Cultural history and the history of philosophy clearly provide the materials for Taylor's enterprise, but whatever it is, it aims for something intellectually more ambitious than mere intellectual or cultural history. The term “social imaginary” in fact captures quite well this “unplaceability” of his work between philosophy and sociology.


1991 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 200-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lawrence Levlne

The work of Leo Strauss is not typical of American academics. He has explicitly rejected the premises and methodologies of modern scholarship. In its stead, he claims to have rediscovered other, more ancient methods of discovery to guide his research. As a result, his conclusions do not necessarily reconfirm what we think we already know. Hence his work represents a challenge to current scholarship. For if Strauss 's conclusions are true, then a radical rethinking of the history of philosophy, political philosophy and psychology is required. It would be much easier if we could simply say that Strauss's methods and conclusions are wholly misguided.


Locke Studies ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 231-235
Author(s):  
James Hill

This short book on Locke seeks to be an introduction to his philosophy as a whole, taking in the ontology and epistemology as well as his political philosophy and the writings on toleration. The book is a distinctly polemical introduction, contrasting Locke’s own views with the views of medieval Scholasticism, concluding that the Scholastics rather than Locke ultimately offer the better solutions to the various problems dealt with. This makes the book unusual among works on Locke. Commentators are inclined to assume a Whiggish approach to the history of philosophy and when they are critical of Locke’s views it is usually in the light of the later tradition. We are used to being told that we should turn to, say, Kant to find a better approach to a certain problem, but not so used to being urged to go back to Thomas Aquinas.


The Oxford Handbook of Hegel is a comprehensive guide to the philosophy of G. W. F. Hegel, the last major thinker in the philosophical movement known as German Idealism. Beginning with chapters on his first published writings, the authors draw out Hegel’s debts to his predecessors and highlight the themes and arguments that have proven the most influential over the past two centuries. There are six chapters each on the Phenomenology of Spirit and The Science of Logic, and in-depth analyses of the Encyclopedia of Philosophical Sciences. Five chapters cover Hegel’s philosophy of law, action, and the ethical and political philosophy presented in his Philosophy of Right. Several chapters cover the many recently edited lecture series from the 1820s, bringing new clarity to Hegel’s conception of aesthetics, the philosophy of religion, and the history of philosophy. The concluding part focuses on Hegel’s legacy, from his role in the formation of Marx’s philosophy to his importance for contemporary liberal political philosophy. The Handbook includes many essays from younger scholars who have brought new perspectives and rigor to the study of Hegel’s thought. The essays are marked by close engagement with Hegel’s difficult texts and by a concern with highlighting the ongoing systematic importance of Hegel’s philosophy.


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