George of Trebizond

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Monfasani
Keyword(s):  
Church Fathers ◽  
Clement Of Alexandria ◽  
Latin West ◽  
John Chrysostom ◽  
The World ◽  
Papal Court ◽  
The One ◽  
Significant Figures ◽  
The Church ◽  
Latin Work

George of Trebizond (born in Crete, very probably in Candia [modern Heraklion], 4/5 April 1396; died, Rome, after 28 November 1473) was one of the most significant figures of the Renaissance. He emigrated to Venice in 1416 and established himself with remarkable rapidity as a teacher of Latin and rhetoric in Venice and the Veneto. In the late 1430s he entered the papal court, then resident in Florence. In 1444, after the papacy had returned to Rome, he gained the office of papal secretary and spent the rest of his life, apart from some notable absences, in the Eternal City. Already by 1434 he had published what became one of the classic Neo-Latin texts of the Renaissance, the Rhetoricorum Libri V, to which in Florence in the late 1430s he added the Isagoge Dialectica, which in turn became a best seller to the mid-16th century. Once arrived in Rome, however, George embarked on a new career as a translator from the Greek, becoming in the end one of the greatest of Renaissance translators. Between 1442 and 1459, he translated most of the Aristotelian corpus, Plato’s Laws and Parmenides, Ptolemy’s Almagest, Demosthenes’ Oration on the Crown, and the Church Fathers Basil the Great, Clement of Alexandria, Eusebiusof Caesarea, Gregory Nyssenus, and John Chrysostom. Then, in the 1450s and 1460s, he got involved in the Renaissance Plato-Aristotle controversy, writing the first major Latin work in the controversy, the Comparatio Philosophorum Platonis et Aristotelis, which is a passionate defense of Aristotle and condemnation of Plato and the spread of Platonism in the Latin West. Underlying George’s attack on Plato was an apocalyptic vision that demonstrably motivated him from the 1430s to the 1460s, when he went to Constantinople to convert Mehmed the Conqueror to Christianity in order to save the world from the onslaught of Gog and Magog. Upon his return to Rome in 1466, his extravagant praise of Mehmed resulted in his spending four months in jail under suspicion of treason. In August 1469, his great opponent, Cardinal Bessarion (b. 1403–d. 1472), came out with the In Calumniatorem Platonis, which successfully set the parameters of the Plato-Aristotle controversy for the rest of the Renaissance. George outlived Bessarion and remained famous throughout the Renaissance, but because the unique 1523 printing of his Comparatio was so miserably done (based on an enormously flawed manuscript to which the editor added a new set of errors), in the end he lost the one great intellectual-theological battle of his life.

Christus Virgo

2012 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-27
Author(s):  
Sissel Undheim
Keyword(s):  
Moral Status ◽  
The Other ◽  
Late Antique ◽  
Church Fathers ◽  
Early Christian ◽  
Female Sex ◽  
The One ◽  
The Church

The description of Christ as a virgin, 'Christus virgo', does occur at rare occasions in Early Christian and late antique texts. Considering that 'virgo' was a term that most commonly described the sexual and moral status of a member of the female sex, such representations of Christ as a virgin may exemplify some of the complex negotiations over gender, salvation, sanctity and Christology that we find in the writings of the Church fathers. The article provides some suggestions as to how we can understand the notion of the virgin Christ within the context of early Christian and late antique theological debates on the one hand, and in light of the growing interest in sacred virginity on the other.

Harmonizing the Truth: Eusebius and the Problem of the Four Gospels

Traditio ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 1-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas O'Loughlin
Keyword(s):  
Late Antiquity ◽  
History Of Ideas ◽  
Third Century ◽  
Perceived Utility ◽  
Latin West ◽  
Book Of Kells ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Eusebius Of Caesarea ◽  
The Church

In the late third century Eusebius of Caesarea, better remembered now for his work as a historian of the church, produced an apparatus for the reconciliation of the disagreements found in the four Christian gospels. It was a remarkable work in its own right for it preserved, as the tradition demanded, the plurality of the gospels, while allowing them to be presented and studied as a single entity, “the gospel,” and so succeeding in Tatian's aim in hisDiatessaron— as exegesis and apologetics demanded. Moreover, though now largely forgotten, it remained an important element within theology for centuries. This paper's aim is to locate the significance of Eusebius's work in its original setting in the world of late antiquity and the Christian defense of pagan challenges to the gospels' integrity, and then to follow the influence of his work within just one strand of the tradition: that which forms the background of western, Latin theology. So it will note how that work was adopted and adapted by Jerome, how it then passed on to the late-patristic Latin schoolmasters who sought to transform all learning into convenient modules of defined value, and then was taken up by others in just one region of the Latin West, the insular world, such as the anonymous scribes of the Book of Kells, the Stowe Missal, and the Book of Deer, for whom Eusebius's work was a mystery that they could not simply abandon, even when they could not understand it. Throughout this period, the Eusebian Apparatus roused the intellect of scholars, teachers, and scribes, but in each milieu the significance and perceived utility of the Apparatus was different. The history of ideas is about changes within intellectual and textual continuities, and with the Apparatus we have a clearly identifiable scholarly tool that does not in itself change over the period, but whose reception and exploitation vary greatly.

scholarly journals Obrona integralnego człowieczeństwa Chrystusa przeciw apolinaryzmowi w dziełach Epifaniusza z Salaminy

Vox Patrum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 253-269
Author(s):  
Roland Marcin Pancerz
Keyword(s):  
Human Nature ◽  
Human Mind ◽  
Church Fathers ◽  
Hypostatic Union ◽  
Apostolic Fathers ◽  
Communicatio Idiomatum ◽  
The One ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The Church ◽  
Technical Terms

Epiphanius of Salamis was one of the Church Fathers, who reacted resolutely against incorrect Christology of Apollinaris of Laodicea. The latter asserted that the divine Logos took the place of Christ’s human mind (noàj). In the beginning, the bishop of Salamis tackled the problem of Christ’s human body, since – as he told himself – followers of Apollinaris, that arrived in Cyprus, put about incorrect doctrine on the Saviour’s body. Among other things, they asserted it was consub­stantial with his godhead. Beyond doubt, this idea constituted a deformation of the original thought of Apollinaris. Anyway, Epiphanius opposing that error took up again expressions, which had been employed before by the Apostolic Fathers and Apologists in the fight against Docetism. Besides, Epiphanius told that some followers of Apollinaris denied the exi­stence of Christ’s human soul (yuc»). Also in this matter, in all probability, we come across a deformation of the original doctrine of the bishop of Laodicea. A real controversy with Apollinaris was the defence of the human mind of the Sa­viour. Epiphanius emphasized that He becoming man took all components of hu­man nature: “body, soul, mind and everything that man is”, in accordance with the axiom “What is not assumed is not saved” (Quod non assumptum, non sanatum). A proof of the integrity of human nature was the reasonable human feelings the Saviour experienced (hunger, tiredness, sorrow, anxiety) as well as knowledge he had to gain partly from experience, which was witnessed by Luke 2, 52. In the lat­ter question, the bishop of Salamis was a forerunner of contemporary Christology. The fact that Epiphanius admitted a complete human nature in Christ didn’t bring dividing the incarnate Logos into two persons. Although the bishop of Sa­lamis didn’t use technical terms for the one person of Jesus Christ, he outlined nonetheless the idea of the hypostatic union in his own words, as well as through employing the rule of the communicatio idiomatum. The ontological union of the divine Logos with his human nature assured Christ’s holiness, too.

scholarly journals Jan Chryzostom objaśnia "Hymn o miłości" [1Kor 13] (In I Epistolam ad Corinthios hom. 33-34)

Vox Patrum ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 291-315
Author(s):  
Jan Iluk
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
Church Fathers ◽  
The Road ◽  
Shortest Route ◽  
John Chrysostom ◽  
Christian Love ◽  
The Times ◽  
Autumn And Winter ◽  
The Church

In 1CorHom, edited in the autumn and winter of 392 and 393 AD, John Chrysostom found a natural opportunity to return to his numerous utterances on the role of love in the lives of people. Obviously, the opportunity was the 13“ chapter of this Letter - The Song of Love. Among his works, we will find a few more smali works which were created with the intention of outlining the Christian ideał of love. Many of the contemporary monographs which were devoted to the ancient understanding of Christian „love” have the phrase „Eros and Agape” in their titles. In contemporary languages, this arrangement extends between sex and love. Both in the times of the Church Fathers (the 4th century AD) and currently, the distance between sex and love is measured by feelings, States and actions which are morę or less refined and noble. The awareness of the existence of many stops over this distance leads to the conviction that our lives are a search for the road to Agape. As many people are looking not so much for a shortcut but for a shorter route, John Chrysostom, like other Church Fathers, declared: the shortest route, because it is the most appropriate for this aim, is to live according to the Christian virtues that have been accumulated by the Christian politeia. There are to be found the fewest torments and disenchantments, although there are sacrifices. Evangelical politeia, the chosen and those who have been brought there will find love) - as a State of existence. In the earthly dimension, however, love appears as a causative force only in the circle of the Christian politeia. Obviously, just as in the heavenly politeia, the Christian politeia on earth is an open circle for everyone. As Chrysostom’s listeners and readers were not only Christians (in the multi-cultural East of the Roman Empire), and as the background of the principles presented in the homilies was the everyday life and customs of the Romans of the time, the ideał - dyam] - was placed by him in the context of diverse imperfections in the rangę and form of the feelings exhibited, which up to this day we still also cali love. It is true that love has morę than one name. By introducing the motif of love - into deliberations on the subject of the Christian politeia, John Chrysostom finds and indicates to the faithful the central force that shaped the ancient Church. This motif fills in the vision of the Heavenly Kingdom, explains to Christians the sense of life that is appropriate to them in the Roman community and explains the principles of organised life within the boundaries of the Church. It can come as no surprise that the result of such a narrative was Chrysostonfs conviction that love is „rationed”: Jews, pagans, Hellenes and heretics were deprived of it. In Chrysostonfs imagination, the Christian politeia has an earthly and a heavenly dimension. In the heavenly politeia, also called by him Chrisfs, the Lord’s or the

partakers of the Spirit. There are no special classes of Spirit-bearers, no separate groups of Spirit-filled believers. Fullness of life in the Spirit, participation in the abundant life in the Spirit, is a common possession of the whole Church, although not appropriated in equal measure by all . . . The statement stresses the plurality but not equality of charisms. As mani-festations of the Spirit – ‘inseparable but not identical’ – spiritual gifts are constitutive both of the nature of the church and of ‘the nature of the Christian life in its communitarian and individual expression’. In this sense every Christian is a charismatic and therefore has a ministry to the church and the world. A radical equality of charisms and ministries is not a principle of church life. One must also say that the charisms of the Spirit are without number. Finally, one of the bonds which binds laity and the hierarchy is the one Spirit manifesting himself in different service functions. . . . Irenaeus said: ‘Where the Church is, there is the Spirit, and where the Spirit of God is, there is the Church . . .’ Charism is a principle of order in the Church in such a way that there is no distinction between the insti-tutional and the charismatic Church.

2003 ◽  
pp. 276-278
Keyword(s):  
Spiritual Gifts ◽  
Christian Life ◽  
Church Life ◽  
The World ◽  
The One ◽  
The Church ◽  
Special Classes

William of Auvergne and the Manichees

Traditio ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 48 ◽  
pp. 63-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland J. Teske
Keyword(s):  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Twelfth Century ◽  
Christian Theology ◽  
Latin West ◽  
The World ◽  
The University ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Universe ◽  
The Church ◽  
Scholarly Attention

William of Auvergne became a master of theology in the University of Paris in 1223 and was appointed bishop of Paris by Gregory IX in 1228. William governed the church of Paris until his death in 1249, while continuing to write the works which constitute his immense Magisterium divinale et sapientiale. Despite the fact that he was the first of the thirteenth-century theologians to appreciate the value of the Aristotelian philosophy that poured into the Latin West during the last half of the twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth century, his writings have not received the scholarly attention they deserve. Étienne Gilson has sketched well the impact of the influx of Greek and Arabian philosophical works into the Christian West: Up to the last years of the twelfth century, when the Christian world unexpectedly discovered the existence of non-Christian interpretations of the universe, Christian theology never had to concern itself with the fact that a non-Christian interpretation of the world as a whole, including man and his destiny, was still an open possibility.

scholarly journals Filosofies-teologiese uitgangspunte van ‘missionale’ kerkwees: ’n Kritiese evaluering

2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaco Kruger
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Important Implication ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Missional Church ◽  
The World ◽  
First Millennium ◽  
Static View ◽  
The One ◽  
The Church

In hierdie artikel word ’n perspektief gebied op die tendens wat min of meer sedert die aanvang van die millennium ook in Suid Afrika posgevat het, naamlik om die kerk as diemissionale kerk te tipeer. Hierdie ontwikkeling in die nadenke oor die kerk is oënskynlik ’n reaksie op ’n vroeëre, statiese siening van die kerk, waar meer op die kerk as instelling gefokus is en wat funksioneer deur mense nader te trek en deel te maak van die instelling. In teenstelling hiermee wil die missionale kerk in haar benadering by God self begin, as die sendende God en van daar ’n meer dinamies-kommunikatiewe siening van kerkwees ontwikkel. Laasgenoemde beteken dat die kerk veel meer binne die kultuur van die wêreld aanwesig is om daar op ’n nuwe werklikheid te wys. Die navorsingsvraag wat in hierdie artikel gevra word, het te make met die filosofies-teologiese vertrekpunte van die missionale kerkweesbenadering. Watter siening van die verhouding tussen God en die skepping, oftewel die transendente en die immanente, lê ten grondslag van hierdie benadering? Watter invloed het die inagneming van filosofies-teologiese oorwegings op die beoordeling van die missionale kerkgedagte? Hierdie vrae word beantwoord deur die opvatting van missionale kerkwees, asook die institusioneel-kontraktuele opvatting van kerkwees waarteenoor dit reageer, teen die agtergrond van die sakramentele verstaan van die kerk te plaas. Die sakramentele verstaan van die kerk was deel van die deelnemende wêreldbeeld wat vir die eerste millennium van die kerk se lewe as vanselfsprekend aanvaar is.This article presents a perspective on the growing tendency – also in South Africa – to characterise the church as missional. Thinking of the church in missional terms is apparently in reaction against an earlier, static view that focused on the church as an institution, and more specifically, an institution that functions by drawing people to itself. In contrast, the missional approach to church wants to start with God, as the One that sends, and from that perspective develops a more dynamic and communicative conception of the church. An important implication of this would be to have the church much more present in and to the culture of the world, in order to effectively point to a new reality. The research question informing this article has to do with the philosophical and theological underpinnings of the missional church approach. What assumptions about the relation between God and creation, or transcendence and immanence, underlie this approach? What implications would the consideration of the philosophical and theological assumptions underlying the missional church movement have for its evaluation? These questions are answered by placing the missional notion of the church, as well as the institutional-contractual notion against which it reacts, against the background of a sacramental understanding of the church. The latter was the notion of the church that was almost universally taken for granted in the first millennium of the church’s existence.

scholarly journals Religious Aspect of Colonization of Western Siberia

2020 ◽  
pp. 78-82
Author(s):  
K.S. Matytsin
Keyword(s):  
Western Siberia ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Old Believers ◽  
The World ◽  
Main Period ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The One ◽  
Doctrine Of The Church ◽  
Religious Reasons ◽  
The Church

The main period of development of new territories of Western Siberia that located outside the borders of the Russian Empire falls on the period from the end of the 18th to the beginning of the 19th centuries. This is due to the Old Believers processes. It was found that the main reasons for the colonization of Western Siberia were: on the one hand, the resumption of repressive policies towards the Old Believers in Altai by the state and the official church, in connection with the transfer of the Kolyvan-Voskresensky factories under the control of the Cabinet; on the other hand, the creation of new dogmatics current of the Old Believers. The latter allowed the Old Believers to reconsider their attitude to historical events, power, and the sacraments of the church. Thus, in the study we identified three interrelated areas ofbespopov's thought: eschatology (the doctrine of the end of the world), ecclesiology (the doctrine of the church), soteriology (the doctrine of salvation). Having established that the confessional composition of the Old Believers, who were the founders of settlements in Western Siberia we came to the conclusion that the development of these territories took place for religious reasons.

scholarly journals Gregory of Nyssa on the Creation of the World

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Marmodoro
Keyword(s):  
Church Fathers ◽  
Causal Principle ◽  
Gregory Of Nyssa ◽  
The World ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Material Bodies ◽  
The Church

The Church Fathers held that God created the world from nothing, by an act of will, at a particular time. But how can an immaterial entity be the cause of the material world? Isn’t this a violation of the causal principle that ‘the like causes the like’ which all ancient thinkers endorsed? Gregory of Nyssa (c.335–395) is a very interesting player in this debate. Marmodoro argues that Gregory’s solution to the philosophical conundrum of the world’s creation is to posit that an immaterial God created immaterial qualities of objects; but such qualities are physical aspects of objects, and they compose with one another to give rise to material bodies.

scholarly journals Zagadnienie personalizmu w "Protreptyku" Klemensa Aleksandryjskiego

Vox Patrum ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 299-315
Author(s):  
Aleksy Kowalski
Keyword(s):  
Human Person ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Church Fathers ◽  
The Bible ◽  
Clement Of Alexandria ◽  
Origen Of Alexandria ◽  
Cappadocian Fathers ◽  
The Universe ◽  
The Church ◽  
Aristotle's Metaphysics

The article presents the outline of the pagan and Christian ancient anthropo­logy that is interested in its relations to the cosmology. The antique philosophers describe a man as the microcosmos which belongs to the macrocosmos. Accor­ding to Aristotle’s metaphysics and the henological metaphysics, the human being occupies the lower place in the hierarchy of the universe. The Christian thinkers, based on the Bible and the Tradition, show the human being as God’s creature made according to the image and similitude of his Creator. The Church Fathers know the Jewish and gnostic anthropologies and they make a polemic on their doctrinal issues. Investigating the patristic anthropology is possible to apply the prosopography exegesis that underlines the interpersonal dialogue. That method indicates three levels of mutual relationships: the analogical and iconic one, the dyadic and dialogical level and the triadic one. The Church Fathers creating the metaphysics of person change their research from the cosmology to the theology and the anthropology. Justin investigates the personalist logos-anthropology. Ire­naeus of Lyon and Tertullian of Carthage show the personalist soma-anthropology. Clement of Alexandria elaborates the very interesting concept of the personalist eikon-anthropology that describes the human person as the divine Logos’ image, the living statue, in which dwells the divine Logos and the beautiful instrument fulfilled by God with the spirit. Origen of Alexandria, the Cappadocian Fathers and other Christian thinkers who examine that issue, will use Clément’s personal­ist eikon-anthropology in their future investigations. That concept helps to define the solemn Christological doctrine of Council of Chalcedon.

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