Queer Intercultural Communication

Author(s):  
Shinsuke Eguchi

Intercultural communication, originating in the United States, has extensively focused on differences of communication styles, processes, and problems between sociocultural groups for a long time. This course of study reproduces and reconstitutes a nationalistic binary paradigm of US Americans versus others. It generalizes cultural differences of communication. The assumption of styles in the United States re-centers and re-secures white, cismale, heterosexual, and affluent. At the same time, the conception and operation of others are generally non-US American, cismale, heterosexual, and affluent. In so doing, the field of intercultural communication tends to ignore, erase, and/or marginalize differences such as race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, class, and the body. US domestic racial minorities such as African Americans, Arab and Middle Eastern Americans, Asian Pacific Islander Americans, Latinx Americans, and Native Americans are often overlooked, for example. In order to counter this erasure, intersecting genealogies of queer of color critique, global queer studies, transgender studies, and disability studies largely influence the current state of queer intercultural communication.

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 3943
Author(s):  
Aurelija Burinskienė ◽  
Edita Leonavičienė ◽  
Virginija Grybaitė ◽  
Olga Lingaitienė ◽  
Juozas Merkevičius

The new phenomenon called sharing or collaborative consumption emerged a decade ago and is continuously growing. It creates new possibilities for society, and especially for business, is beneficial for the environment, makes more efficient use of resources, and presents a new competitive business model. The scientific literature lacks a more in-depth analysis of the factors influencing sharing activity growth; therefore, the paper’s authors attempt to fill this gap. The authors aim to identify the factors affecting the use of sharing platforms. To reach the goal, the authors developed a regression model and constructed a list of 71 variables. The study used monthly United States data from January 2017 to June 2020 from the publicly available Federal Reserve Economic Data (FRED)and Google trends databases. The comparison to other indexes proves that the proposed index, representing the number of visits to sharing platforms (SEP), is a unique one. The first index allowed us to revise the sharing activity monthly. The authors identified that variables such as wage level, social network users, import level, and personal consumption are critical in affecting the number of visits to sharing platforms. The presented framework could be helpful for practitioners and policymakers analysing the stimulation of sharing or collaborative consumption. It includes indicators representing different areas, such as society, technology, and country, and allows for monthly investigations. Such activity was evident for a long time when online platforms contributed to its wider accessibility. The results help to forecast the number of visits monthly. Sharing is still an emerging area for research; thus, the authors tried to explore the phenomenon of sharing to expand the conceptual level of knowledge.


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 1387-1404 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Patterson—Silver Wolf ◽  
John W. Welte ◽  
Grace M. Barnes ◽  
Marie-Cecile O. Tidwell ◽  
Paul Spicer

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie E. Mills ◽  
Bear Jordan

Utah is the second largest vanadium producing state and the third largest uranium producing state in the United States. Carnotite, a primary ore mineral for both vanadium and uranium, was first discovered and used by Native Americans as a source of pigment in the Colorado Plateau hysiographic province of eastern Utah. Radioactive deposits have been ommercially mined in Utah since about 1900, starting with radium, followed by vanadium, and thenuranium. In 1952, the discovery of the Mi Vida mine in Utah’s Lisbon Valley mining district in San Juan County kicked off a uranium exploration rush across the Colorado Plateau. As a result, the United States dominated the global uranium market from the early 1950s to late 1970s. In the modern mining era, Utah is an important contributor to the domestic uranium and vanadium markets with the only operating conventional uranium-vanadium mill in the country, multiple uranium-vanadium mines on standby, and active uranium-vanadium exploration. Overall, Utah has produced an estimated 122 million lbs U3O8 and 136 million lbs V2O5 since 1904. Most of this production has been from the sandstone-hosted deposits of the Paradox Basin, with minor production from volcanogenic deposits and as byproducts from other operations across the state


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-138
Author(s):  
Earnest N. Bracey ◽  

Many revisionist historians today try to make the late President Andrew Jackson out to be something that he was not—that is, a man of all the people. In our uninhibited, polarized culture, the truth should mean something. Therefore, studying the character of someone like Andrew Jackson should be fully investigated, and researched, as this work attempts to do. Indeed, this article tells us that we should not accept lies and conspiracy theories as the truth. Such revisionist history comes into sharp focus in Bradley J. Birzer’s latest book, In Defense of Andrew Jackson. Indeed, his (selective) efforts are surprisingly wrong, as he tries to give alternative explanations for Jackson’s corrupt life and political malfeasance. Hence, the lawlessness of Andrew Jackson cannot be ignored or “white washed” from American history. More important, discrediting the objective truth about Andrew Jackson, and his blatant misuse of executive power as the U.S. President should never be dismissed, like his awful treatment of Blacks and other minorities in the United States. It should have been important to Birzer to get his story right about Andrew Jackson, with a more balanced approach in regards to the man. Finally, Jackson should have tried to eliminate Black slavery in his life time, not embrace it, based on the ideas of human dignity and our common humanity. To be brutally honest, it is one thing to disagree with Andrew Jackson; but it is quite another to feel that he, as President of the United States, was on the side of all the American people during his time, because it was not true. Perhaps the biggest question is: Could Andrew Jackson have made a positive difference for every American, even Black slaves and Native Americans?


1969 ◽  
Vol os-16 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Vanderlyn R. Pine

By comparing funeral practices in Bali, Japan, Russia, England, and the United States, the author shows that funeral practices are designed to provide socially sanctioned solutions to deep psychological needs at the time of bereavement. Suggested universal features of funeral practice across cultures include the provision of social support for the bereaved, religious ritual, funeral expenditure, sanitary disposal of the body, visual confrontation, and the funeral procession, which is generally conceived as a family parade.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-97
Author(s):  
Lim Jae Young ◽  
Woo Harin

The arts in the United States, for a long time received strong support from both sides of the political aisle. However, in recent years, the arts have been transformed into a partisan issue that pits conservatives against liberals. The article points to the importance of political trust as a means of helping conservatives overcome their ideological inclinations and support the arts. Scholars argue that political trust influences more strongly individuals who perceive a given policy to be one that imposes ideological risks for them compared with those without such risks. Focusing on the moderating role of political trust, the article examines whether political trust can help alleviate the conservatives’ hostility to the arts. Relying on the 2016 General Social Survey, the article finds that conservatives have no direct relationship with arts spending, but they will be more likely to support arts spending when this is contingent upon political trust.


2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-49
Author(s):  
Phyllis Bennis

This essay examines the discourse on Palestine/Israel in the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, charting the impact of the Palestine rights movement on the domestic U.S. policy debate. Policy analyst, author, and long-time activist Phyllis Bennis notes the sea change within the Democratic Party evident in the unprecedented debate on the issue outside traditionally liberal Zionist boundaries. The final Democratic platform was as pro-Israel and anti-Palestinian as any in history, but the process of getting there was revolutionary in no small part, Bennis argues, due to the grassroots campaign of veteran U.S. senator Bernie Sanders. Bennis also discusses the Republican platform on Israel/Palestine, outlining the positions of the final three Republican contenders. Although she is clear about the current weakness of the broad antiwar movement in the United States, Bennis celebrates its Palestinian rights component and its focus on education and BDS to challenge the general public's “ignorance” on Israel/Palestine.


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