Cinema and Television

Author(s):  
James M. Burns

The history of moving images in Africa dates to the late 19th century, when the first films premiered in South Africa shortly after their world debut in Paris. By 1940 cinema had become a staple of public leisure in urban areas across the continent. In the postwar era cinema’s popularity grew in cities and began to make inroads into rural areas. In the 1930s, colonial administrators started producing didactic films for African consumption. Before the Second World War, the majority of films made for African audiences were produced by administrators in British territories. In the postwar era other colonial governments got involved to varying degrees in the project to educate Africans through film. Films for African education continued to be produced and distributed in the postcolonial era by governments and international aid organizations. The earliest commercial film industry in Africa emerged in South Africa during the silent era. Elsewhere, indigenous production did not begin until the late colonial period. Television came relatively late to Africa, premiering in Nigeria during the waning days of colonial rule and being introduced gradually during the 1960s and 1970s in most nations. The initial reach of television was limited by the poverty of most Africa consumers, and African governments produced few original television programs before 2000. The economic crisis that gripped postcolonial Africa in the 1960s shuttered many urban cinemas and limited television’s reach at a time when it was expanding globally. During this period African artists, frequently with the financial assistance of Western governments, and technical training on both sides of the iron curtain, began producing their own films. A central concern of these pioneering artists was to provide a response to the negative depictions of Africa that were a staple of Western commercial cinema. The distribution of these films was limited on the continent, though many received critical acclaim when shown at film festivals in Europe and North America. In the 1980s audiences in West Africa became consumers of a new genre of moving image, video films, which were produced on limited budgets in urban areas in West Africa. The advent of satellite television services in the 1990s made moving images increasingly accessible to African people across the continent. The end of apartheid in 1990 also proved a fillip to cinema and television production in southern Africa. In the 21st century the availability of visual images has expanded across the continent, as individual ownership of televisions has risen broadly and mobile phone technology has made moving images available to many other consumers.

2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (69_suppl) ◽  
pp. 35-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel J. Clark ◽  
Mark A. Collinson ◽  
Kathleen Kahn ◽  
Kyle Drullinger ◽  
Stephen M. Tollman

Aim: To examine the hypothesis that circular labour migrants who become seriously ill while living away from home return to their rural homes to convalesce and possibly to die. Methods: Drawing on longitudinal data collected by the Agincourt health and demographic surveillance system in rural northeastern South Africa between 1995 and 2004, discrete time event history analysis is used to estimate the likelihood of dying for residents, short-term returning migrants, and long-term returning migrants controlling for sex, age, and historical period. Results: The annual odds of dying for short-term returning migrants are generally 1.1 to 1.9 times (depending on period, sex, and age) higher than those of residents and long-term returning migrants, and these differences are generally highly statistically significant. Further supporting the hypothesis is the fact that the proportion of HIV/TB deaths among short-term returning migrants increases dramatically as time progresses, and short-term returning migrants account for an increasing proportion of all HIV/TB deaths. Conclusions: This evidence strongly suggests that increasing numbers of circular labour migrants of prime working age are becoming ill in the urban areas where they work and coming home to be cared for and eventually to die in the rural areas where their families live. This shifts the burden of caring for them in their terminal illness to their families and the rural healthcare system with significant consequences for the distribution and allocation of health care resources.


Author(s):  
Ndukuyakhe Ndlovu

The roots of contract archeology were laid even before the development of a legislative framework that prescribed the processes to be followed. Contract archeology was being seen by the museums and universities as the best avenue to the subsidizing of archeological research. The increased research funding of the 1960s and 1970s was on the decline in the 1980s. Universities, therefore, were at a disadvantage and needed to explore other avenues of funding. Legislative changes over the years, which made it mandatory for developers to fund impact assessments to mitigate potential damage of valuable heritage resources from their proposed activities, have led to a significant proliferation of private archeological companies. These have been established to provide developers with the expertise they need to satisfy these legal requirements. The approach used in South Africa is that the developer must pay to assess the nature of the likely impact of their proposed activity. Government entities are then tasked with the responsibility of reviewing studies undertaken by specialists subcontracted by developers. The subdiscipline of archeology has grown significantly in South Africa, specifically enabled by legislative changes over the years requiring that predevelopment assessments of heritage sites be undertaken prior to approvals being made. However, archeology has continued to be defined as racially unrepresentative of the South African demography. In addition, the management of heritage resources through the use of contract archeology has been characterized by a variety of administrative challenges.


Politeia ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kgothatso B. Shai

South Africa’s local government administration is complex in that both traditional leadership and elected municipal councils play a role in it. Traditional leadership occupies an essential position and status in local government administration, in particular in rural South Africa. However, the contemporary administrative jurisdiction of municipalities cuts across both rural and urban areas. In the rural areas, the conflict over the division of roles between traditional leaders and elected councillors is evident. Due to the influence and dominance of the neo-liberal global order, modernists often accuse traditional leadership of being undemocratic and authoritarian. However, the reality is that elected councils’ administration also leaves much to be desired, and the consequences of their poor administration are not uniformly understood. Since South Africa is a democratic state, it is expected that there should be a clear separation in government institutions between party (i.e., the ruling African National Congress) politics and public administration; a phenomenon that some describe as depoliticisation. Nevertheless, the realities on the ground suggest otherwise. This article, which is based on the theory of Afrocentricity, examines a selected rural municipality (Maruleng) in South Africa’s Limpopo province to critically reflect on the ethics and the value system of African culture in the context of local governance vis-à-vis Westernised governance principles. The aim of this research is achieved through interdisciplinary critical discourse and thematic analysis in its broadest form.


Author(s):  
Jessica Stephenson

Born in 1934 in Bedford, Eastern Cape, South Africa, William (Bill) Stewart Ainslie was a painter and educator, and the founder of a number of visual art programs and workshops that countered discriminatory racial and educational policies in apartheid-era South Africa. These programs encouraged students to work in abstract and other modernist idioms not practiced in the country at the time. Until his untimely death at age 55, Ainslie melded his career as an artist with his vision of art as a means to combat apartheid. In the 1960s and 1970s, Ainslie fostered the only multiracial art programs in the country, culminating in a formal art school, the non-profit Johannesburg Art Foundation (1982). He helped found the Federated Union of Black Artists (FUBA) and the art schools Fuba Academy (1978), Funda Center (1983) (funda means "learn" in Xhosa), and the Alexandra Arts Centre (1986). The generation of modern African artists and educators trained at these institutions shaped the course of art after apartheid. Ainslie also organized short-term workshops, most notably the Thupelo Art Workshop (thupelo means "to teach by example" in Southern Sotho) in 1983. Thupelo linked local and international artists and focused on abstraction, a radical departure from the social realist style expected of politically engaged South African art of the 1980s.


Author(s):  
Blake Slonecker

In the decade after 1965, radicals responded to the alienating features of America’s technocratic society by developing alternative cultures that emphasized authenticity, individualism, and community. The counterculture emerged from a handful of 1950s bohemian enclaves, most notably the Beat subcultures in the Bay Area and Greenwich Village. But new influences shaped an eclectic and decentralized counterculture after 1965, first in San Francisco’s Haight-Ashbury district, then in urban areas and college towns, and, by the 1970s, on communes and in myriad counter-institutions. The psychedelic drug cultures around Timothy Leary and Ken Kesey gave rise to a mystical bent in some branches of the counterculture and influenced counterculture style in countless ways: acid rock redefined popular music; tie dye, long hair, repurposed clothes, and hip argot established a new style; and sexual mores loosened. Yet the counterculture’s reactionary elements were strong. In many counterculture communities, gender roles mirrored those of mainstream society, and aggressive male sexuality inhibited feminist spins on the sexual revolution. Entrepreneurs and corporate America refashioned the counterculture aesthetic into a marketable commodity, ignoring the counterculture’s incisive critique of capitalism. Yet the counterculture became the basis of authentic “right livelihoods” for others. Meanwhile, the politics of the counterculture defy ready categorization. The popular imagination often conflates hippies with radical peace activists. But New Leftists frequently excoriated the counterculture for rejecting political engagement in favor of hedonistic escapism or libertarian individualism. Both views miss the most important political aspects of the counterculture, which centered on the embodiment of a decentralized anarchist bent, expressed in the formation of counter-institutions like underground newspapers, urban and rural communes, head shops, and food co-ops. As the counterculture faded after 1975, its legacies became apparent in the redefinition of the American family, the advent of the personal computer, an increasing ecological and culinary consciousness, and the marijuana legalization movement.


Africa ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 81 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebekah Lee

ABSTRACTThis article primarily concerns the intersection of the changing management of death with the problems and possibilities presented by the growing mobility of the African, and specifically Xhosa-speaking, population in South Africa from the latter half of the twentieth century to the present day. I am interested in how shifts in the practices and beliefs around death are mediated by individuals, households and businesses who have an historical affinity towards movement, particularly across what has been called the ‘rural–urban nexus’. In what ways has this more mobile orientation influenced the perception of rites and responsibilities surrounding death? And how have more mobile ‘ways of dying’ in turn created new subjectivities and new ways in which to imagine relations between the living and the dead? I argue that African funeral directors based in Cape Town and the rural areas of the Eastern Cape – a steadily more numerous and prominent group of entrepreneurs – are well-placed to shape these processes, through their role as cultural mediators and technological innovators, and their particular emphasis on maintaining a flow of bodies (both dead and alive) between rural and urban areas. I focus on two aspects of contemporary South African funerals – embalming and exhumations – that are suggestive of how the migration dynamic, and the continuing demands from mobile mourners for innovations via the funeral industry, have encouraged new perceptions of and relations to the dead body.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (11) ◽  
pp. e0242595
Author(s):  
Leigh F. Johnson ◽  
Mmamapudi Kubjane ◽  
Jeffrey W. Eaton

Background HIV prevalence data among pregnant women have been critical to estimating HIV trends and geographical patterns of HIV in many African countries. Although antenatal HIV prevalence data are known to be biased representations of HIV prevalence in the general population, mathematical models have made various adjustments to control for known sources of bias, including the effect of HIV on fertility, the age profile of pregnant women and sexual experience. Methods and findings We assessed whether assumptions about antenatal bias affect conclusions about trends and geographical variation in HIV prevalence, using simulated datasets generated by an agent-based model of HIV and fertility in South Africa. Results suggest that even when controlling for age and other previously-considered sources of bias, antenatal bias in South Africa has not been constant over time, and trends in bias differ substantially by age. Differences in the average duration of infection explain much of this variation. We propose an HIV duration-adjusted measure of antenatal bias that is more stable, which yields higher estimates of HIV incidence in recent years and at older ages. Simpler measures of antenatal bias, which are not age-adjusted, yield estimates of HIV prevalence and incidence that are too high in the early stages of the HIV epidemic, and that are less precise. Antenatal bias in South Africa is substantially greater in urban areas than in rural areas. Conclusions Age-standardized approaches to defining antenatal bias are likely to improve precision in model-based estimates, and further recency adjustments increase estimates of HIV incidence in recent years and at older ages. Incompletely adjusting for changing antenatal bias may explain why previous model estimates overstated the early HIV burden in South Africa. New assays to estimate the fraction of HIV-positive pregnant women who are recently infected could play an important role in better estimating antenatal bias.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 208
Author(s):  
P.P. Blom ◽  
D.E. Uwizeyimana

This article aims to assess the effectiveness of e-Government and e-Governance service during the national lockdown in South Africa. The focus of this article is on e-Health, e-Education and e-Municipal Services delivery, as these are the most sought-after e-Services during the national lockdown caused by COVID-19 (coronavirus) pandemic in 2020. Education, health, and municipal services are some of the core functions that could not be paused during the lockdown due to their importance. The methodology used in this research is mainly qualitative. Unobtrusive research techniques based on documentary and theoretical analysis will be applied to assess the state and use of e-Government and e-Governance within the public sector during the national lockdown in South Africa. The findings of this article suggest that government failed to achieve its objective of building an inclusive Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) infrastructure in South Africa. Even though steps have been taken by the government to provide free access to basic e-Services, network coverage, and ICT infrastructures, poverty and inequality remain the major challenges in rural areas. The findings of this research suggest that the South African government needs to build ICT infrastructures in rural areas and to provide citizens with training on how to utilise ICT infrastructures in order to reduce the gap between rural and urban areas.


Author(s):  
Bernard Janse van Rensburg ◽  
Carla Kotzé ◽  
Karis Moxley ◽  
Ugasvaree Subramaney ◽  
Zukiswa Zingela ◽  
...  

Abstract The WHO Global Health Observatory Data Repository reports South Africa with 1.52 psychiatrists/100 000 of the population among other countries in Africa with 0.01 psychiatrists/100 000 (Chad, Burundi and Niger) to more than 30/100 000 for some countries in Europe. The overall situation, while being cognizant that mental health care is not only provided by specialist psychiatrists and that the current treatment gap may have to be addressed by strategies such as appropriate task sharing, suggests that there are actually too few psychiatrists to meet the country’s mental health care needs. To address the need to develop a strategy to increase the local specialist training and examination capacity, a situational review of currently practicing psychiatrists was undertaken by the [BLINDED] and the [BLINDED], using the South African Society of Psychiatrists (SASOP) membership database. The number, distribution and attributes of practicing psychiatrists were compared with international figures on the ratio of psychiatrists/100 000 population. In April 2019 there were 850 qualified psychiatrists actively practicing in the country and based on the national population figure of 55.6 million people (2016 Census), the psychiatrists/100 000 ratio was 1.53. This indicates no improvement between 2016 to 2019. From the SASOP database, we determined that about 80% of psychiatrists are working in the private sector - a much higher proportion than is usually quoted. As the vast majority of psychiatrists are practicing in urban areas in two provinces, Gauteng (n=350) and Western Cape (n=292), the ratio of psychiatrists/100 000 in these areas is relatively higher, at 2.6 and 5.0 respectively. Whereas rural areas in South Africa are largely without specialist mental health expertise, at a rate of 0.03/100 000 population. This investigation provides a discipline-specific situational review of the attributes and distribution of the current workforce of specialists in the country.


2007 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 869-877 ◽  
Author(s):  
J Van der Merwe ◽  
L Bourne ◽  
D Marais

AbstractObjectiveThis study aimed to assess mother's/caregiver's understanding, practical application and cultural acceptability of a preliminary set of South African food-based dietary guidelines (FBDGs) for children aged 6–12 months living in the Little Karoo area of the Western Cape Province.DesignAn observational, descriptive and cross-sectional study design was followed. Focus group interviews, recorded on videotape, were analysed for qualitative data. Quantitative questionnaires measured knowledge and comprehension of guidelines, perceived constraints to compliance with and importance of guidelines as well as socio demographic data prior to the focus group interviews.SettingAfrikaans-, English- and Xhosa-speaking communities of the Little Karoo area of the Western Cape Province of South Africa, including the urban areas of Oudtshoorn, Bongulethu, Bridgton, Toekomsrus and the adjacent rural areas of Dysselsdorp, Calitzdorp, Uniondale, Ladismith and Zoar.SubjectsSixty-four mothers or caregivers to infants 6–12 months of age were included in the sample.ResultsInformation obtained through the questionnaires supported what was said during discussions. Although perceived as important by the majority of respondents, some of the guidelines were not well understood without prior explanation. Such guidelines were those pertaining to meal frequency and cup feeding, while application of the guideline to prolonged breast-feeding seemed the most problematic.ConclusionsThe FBDGs for this age group will have to be supported by extensive and appropriate educational material to be effective when introduced to the public. The fact that the applicability of the guideline to prolonged breast-feeding seemed to be the most problematic is a cause for concern.


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