Security Europeanization since 1989

2019 ◽  
pp. 88-112
Author(s):  
Katherine Graney
Keyword(s):  
Security Policies ◽  
European Security ◽  
Military Alliance ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
European Values ◽  
As If

This chapter examines the process of NATO expansion since 1989, highlighting the strange fact that NATO claims to be a community of “European” values and identity as much as, if not more than, a strategic and military alliance. This has led NATO gatekeepers to pursue enlargement for rationales other than strict realist self-interest and has led NATO into direct conflict with Russia over the security policies of the ex-Soviet republics, especially Georgia and Ukraine. The chapter examines the unsuccessful efforts of NATO to find ways to cooperate with Russia, and of Russia to reshape the European security sphere to its own ends and according to its own values.

scholarly journals When Do Powerful Stakeholders Give Managers the Latitude to Balance All Stakeholders’ Interests?

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Flore M. Bridoux ◽  
Pushpika Vishwanathan
Keyword(s):  
Moral Responsibility ◽  
Stakeholder Theory ◽  
Bargaining Power ◽  
Value Appropriation ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
As If

Research in instrumental stakeholder theory often discusses the benefits of a stakeholder strategy that balances all stakeholders’ interests as if the firm’s managers were not constrained much in choosing a strategy. Yet, through their value appropriation behavior, stakeholders with high bargaining power can significantly constrain managers’ choices. Our objective is, therefore, to understand when powerful stakeholders give managers the latitude to balance all stakeholders’ interests, rather than forcing them to satisfy primarily their own interests. Building on enlightened self-interest and the justice literature, we identify five motivational drivers that help explain powerful stakeholders’ value appropriation behavior. We next explore the endogenous relationship between the stakeholder strategy adopted by the firm and its effect on powerful stakeholders’ value appropriation behavior. This article complements instrumental stakeholder theory by looking at powerful stakeholders’ motivation to exercise their bargaining power, and in so doing brings powerful stakeholders’ moral responsibility in the treatment of weak stakeholders to the forefront.

The Ethical Decision

2020 ◽  
pp. 128-140
Author(s):  
K. E. Løgstrup
Keyword(s):  
Ethical Decision ◽  
Ethical Action ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
The Right ◽  
Do The Right Thing ◽  
As If

This chapter considers a variety of ways in which, as fundamentally self-interested individuals, we try to camouflage that self-interest by making it look as if we are behaving rightly: for example, by evading an ethical action by insisting that it requires further reflection, or by inspecting our motives so that the time for action has passed. We reason in this way because we do not like being griped by the decision, and required to act. Nonetheless, our conscience can make us aware of these evasions, while also, in certain extreme or ‘heightened’ situations, we can still come to do the right thing, even while in more ordinary circumstances, when the risks are a lot less, we remain oblivious to the needs of others.

scholarly journals Morality in Context: A Multilevel Analysis of the Relationship between Religion and Values in Europe

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingrid Storm
Keyword(s):  
Multilevel Model ◽  
Personal Autonomy ◽  
Moral Authority ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
European Values ◽  
European Values Study ◽  
Low Levels ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Exact Relationship

AbstractThe exact relationship between religiosity and moral values is understudied, and it is unclear what the process of secularization means for the morality of Europeans. Previous research shows that religion is associated with low levels of political and economic development. A potential explanation is that religion provides an alternative moral authority to the authority of the state. Using data from four waves of the European Values Study 1981–2008, I analyze attitudes to personal autonomy (vs tradition) and self-interest (vs social norms) in a multilevel model of 48 European countries. The results show that religious decline has been accompanied by an increase in autonomy values, but not self-interest, that the relationship between religion and morality is stronger in more religious countries, and that it has declined since the 1980s. We also show that religiosity is more negatively associated with self-interest among people with low confidence in state authorities.

scholarly journals Introduction: The Politics of European Security Policies

2009 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 474-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xymena Kurowska ◽  
Patryk Pawlak
Keyword(s):  
Security Policies ◽  
European Security

scholarly journals Beyond the security paradox: Ten criteria for a socially informed security policy

2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 638-654 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Pavone ◽  
Kirstie Ball ◽  
Sara Degli Esposti ◽  
Sally Dibb ◽  
Elvira Santiago-Gómez
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Qualitative Data ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Security Policies ◽  
European Security ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
Security Technologies ◽  
Operation Rules

This article investigates the normative and procedural criteria adopted by European citizens to assess the acceptability of surveillance-oriented security technologies. It draws on qualitative data gathered at 12 citizen summits in nine European countries. The analysis identifies 10 criteria, generated by citizens themselves, for a socially informed security policy. These criteria not only reveal the conditions, purposes and operation rules that would make current European security policies and technologies more consistent with citizens’ priorities. They also cast light on an interesting paradox: although people feel safe in their daily lives, they believe security could, and should, be improved.

The epistolary mode and the first of Ovid's Heroides

1984 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 413-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan F. Kennedy
Keyword(s):  
Henry Fielding ◽  
Large Element ◽  
Epistolary Novel ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
Epistolary Form ◽  
Present Tense ◽  
As If

In April 1741 there appeared a slim volume entitled An Apology for the Life of Mrs Shamela Andrews by a certain Mr Conny Keyber, whose name is generally supposed to conceal that of the novelist Henry Fielding. Shamela, to give the book its more familiar title, was a parody of Samuel Richardson's epistolary novel Pamela: or Virtue Rewarded, which had been published to great acclaim the previous year. In a series of letters purportedly sent to each other by the main characters, the story unfolds of the honest servant-girl Pamela, her efforts to avoid seduction by her master Mr B., and her eventual marriage to him. Fielding's chief target was the morality of the book (Pamela's virtue contains a disturbingly large element of self-interest), but in passing he drew cruel attention to some of the pitfalls of the epistolary form as a vehicle for narrative. One passage in particular deserves quotation, from Letter VI, which Shamela writes to her mother at (so we are duly informed at the top of the letter) twelve o'clock on Thursday night:Mrs Jervis and I are just in Bed, and the Door unlocked; if my Master should come – Odsbods! I hear him just coming in at the Door. You see I write in the present Tense, as Parson Williams says. Well, he is in Bed between us, we both shamming a Sleep, he steals his Hand into my Bosom, which I, as if in my Sleep, press close to me with mine….

The View from Above

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hardman
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Revolutionary Change ◽  
Decision Points ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
Louis Xvi ◽  
Alternative Solutions ◽  
As If

In the maelstrom of ‘pre-revolutionary’ agitations, it is easy to lose sight of the fact that the king and his ministers, to varying degrees, still thought and acted through 1788 and early 1789 as if their wishes and decisions were the determinants of political action. And indeed, to a certain extent, they were. This chapter explores the complex web of principle, prejudice and self-interest that continued to mark the conduct of old-regime governance up to, and beyond, the threshold of revolutionary change. As well as detailing a series of crucial decision points at which the monarchy could have offered alternative solutions to those it unsuccessfully chose, it also reflects on the extent to which the nature of those decisions can be fully understood, or must remain locked within the enigma that was the personality of Louis XVI.

A Continent Bristling With Arms: Continuity and Change In Western European Security Policies After the Second World War

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leopoldo Nuti
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Security Policies ◽  
European Security ◽  
World War ◽  
Nuclear War ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
The North ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Stability

Since the end of World War II, Europe has known an unprecedented period of peace that has profoundly altered the political landscape of the continent. Yet at the same time, for much of the postwar period, this peace has been accompanied by frightening preparations for a global nuclear war – in the 1960s, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) planned to deploy in Western Europe 7,000 tactical atomic warheads of different yields – and by a number of recurrent crises that repeatedly threatened the stability of the postwar order. Nor should one neglect the fact that two European powers – France and Britain – still field the third and fifth largest nuclear arsenals in the whole world respectively. This article explores the post World War II evolution of defence and security policies in Western Europe, as well as the role of nuclear weapons in European security and the shifting perceptions of war in European public opinion and mentality. After considering colonial empires, decolonisation and nuclear issues, it discusses the last years of the Cold War.

scholarly journals Gorbachev’s ‘Common European Home’ and its relevance for Russian foreign policy today

2018 ◽  
pp. 17-34
Author(s):  
Tom Casier
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Community ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
European Security ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
European Values ◽  
Core Idea ◽  
Independent Path

At the end of the 1980s the Soviet Union’s last leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, launched the idea of a ‘Common European Home’. It was part of his campaign for New Political Thinking in foreign policy, which aimed to deideologise the Soviet approach to international affairs, and positioned the country firmly within a European political community and civilisation. While the concept Common European Home has faded away with the Soviet Union, many of its supporting ideas resonate in Russia’s foreign policy discourse under Putin. Four similarities stand out: the preference for a multipolar Europe without dividing lines, indivisible and collective pan-European security, free trade from Lisbon to Vladivostok and intra-European relations founded on international law. But some fundamental characteristics have changed. First, the context of Russian-European relations has altered substantially and many ideas are now used in an antagonistic context, to reject Euro-Atlantic hegemony. Even if the wording often remains similar, the emphasis is now on Russia’s sovereign and independent path. Secondly, the core idea of a unified European civilisation has been replaced by the notion of competition between civilisations. Hereby Russia claims to represent genuine European values, giving the latter a strongly conservative interpretation. Finally, the Eurasian turn in Russian foreign policy has undermined the centrality of Europe in its discourse. Rather than envisaging a collaborative Europe, Russian and EU integration initiatives are seen as rivalling. This evolution of Russia’s vision on Europe did not change abruptly with Putin’s ascent to power but built up gradually in the decade before the Ukraine crisis, against a background of escalating tensions and growing distrust.

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