New York Sybarite Conquers the South

2019 ◽  
pp. 128-150
Author(s):  
Charles S. Bullock ◽  
Susan A. MacManus ◽  
Jeremy D. Mayer ◽  
Mark J. Rozell
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Gun Control ◽  
General Election ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Southern States ◽  
White Voters ◽  
Racial Resentment ◽  
Republican Nomination

Donald Trump, the thrice married and publicly philandering Manhattan resident who had recently been pro-choice and pro-gun control, won the Republican nomination and the presidency in 2016 in part through his very strong showing among Southern white voters. How he managed to do that is the story of this chapter. Trump appealed to Southern white racial resentment, as well as to the anti-immigration fervor particularly evident in the low growth “stagnant” Southern states such as Alabama and Mississippi. But what was really remarkable is how he won the GOP nomination by doing well in all regions. The Republican Party has become unified around a largely Southern conception of conservatism: deeply religious, pro-military, and less concerned with free trade. In the general election, by contrast, regional polarization intensified in 2016. In both elections, Trump’s path to victory required him to do well among Southern whites, which he ably did.

Who Decides When The Party Doesn’t? Authoritarian Voters and the Rise of Donald Trump

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (04) ◽  
pp. 716-721 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew C. MacWilliams
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Partisan Polarization ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Republican Nomination ◽  
At Home

ABSTRACTWhile the party decides theory explains the outcomes of past nomination battles for president, this year in the Republican presidential contest party insiders failed to anoint a standard bearer. Who decides when the party elites don’t? In 2016, it was America’s authoritarian voters. And their candidate of choice, Donald Trump, is anathema to party leaders. I argue that Trump’s rise is in part the result of authoritarian voters’ response to his unvarnished, us-versus-them rhetoric. The failure of Republican Party insiders to coalesce behind one candidate opened the door for Trump. Authoritarian-driven partisan polarization (Hetherington and Weiler 2009), increasing fear of real and imagined threats, and terrorist incidents abroad and at home provided the fuel for Trump’s campaign. And Trump’s message and manner ignited that fuel, propelling him to the Republican nomination for president.

Why Trump Became a ‘Confederate’ President

The Forum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Angie Maxwell
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
American South ◽  
Data File ◽  
Religious Fundamentalism ◽  
Primary Elections ◽  
Tracking Data ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Racial Resentment ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The American South

Abstract This article explores the causes for and the contemporary ramifications of the realignment of the American South with the Republican Party. Using the American National Election Surveys (ANES) Time Series Cumulative Data File (1948–2016), the 2016 and 2020 Blair Center Polls, and the election tracking data compiled by Richard Berg-Andersson and Tony Roza at www.thegreenpapers.com, the author first explores the role that racial animus, anti-feminism, and religious fundamentalism played in white southern voters’ emergence as the Republican Party base. Second, the author considers the structural advantages that this prominence in the GOP gives southern whites in the primary nomination process and to what degree these advantages benefitted Donald Trump in 2016. Finally, the author explores the influence of Racial Resentment, Modern Sexism, and Christian Fundamentalism on the 2016 Republican primary elections and the 2016 and 2020 General Elections.

It’s Trump’s Party and I’ll Cry if I Want To

The Forum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 693-709
Author(s):  
Ronald B. Rapoport ◽  
Jack Reilly ◽  
Walter J. Stone
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
National Sample ◽  
General Election ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Southern Border

AbstractBased on analysis of a multi-wave national sample panel of Republican identifiers, we show the increasing coherence among rank and file Republicans around evaluations of Donald Trump. Differences between Republicans who preferred Trump for the GOP nomination and those who preferred another candidate (but, unlike the Never Trump group who said they could not support him in the general election if he won the nomination) are muted by the general election and 2018 waves. While “Never-Trumpers” in the nomination wave maintain their affective distance from Trump in the general election and 2018 waves, their evaluations become less negative. Our analysis suggests that Republicans’ favorability toward Trump increasingly aligned with their attitudes toward the Republican Party and their support for Trump’s effort to build a southern-border wall.

1885: The Failure of J. R. Chalmers

2008 ◽  
pp. 293-300
Author(s):  
John Roy Lynch
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
The State ◽  
Private Life ◽  
General Election ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Republican Nomination

This chapter narrates the James R. Chalmers's defeat for governor. It was the year 1885 in which the general election in the state of Mississippi was held for the election of governor and other state officers, district and county officials. The state was hopelessly Democratic. In view of unfavorable political conditions, many Republicans doubted the wisdom of putting a ticket in the field in opposition to the Democratic machine, but after consultation, and since the organization called Greenbackers had made some headway, it was decided to put a ticket in the field if fusion between Republicans and Greenbackers could be agreed upon, which was found to be possible. General Chalmers, who had publicly identified himself with the Republican party, was willing to accept the Republican nomination for governor, if his nomination would be endorsed by the Greenback party. After his humiliating defeat for governor, Chalmers retired to private life where he remained until the meeting of the National Republican Convention in Chicago in 1888, when he made another effort to bring himself into public notice.

scholarly journals Too Much and Never Enough: How my Family Created the World’s most Dangerous Man by Mary L Trump, SIMON & SCHUSTER, London-New York- Sydney- Toronto- New Delhi, 2020, 206pp.

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-249
Author(s):  
Kelvin Ashindorbe ◽  
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Reality Television ◽  
The United States ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Close Family Member ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One ◽  
Close Family

More than two dozen books have been written about Donald Trump and his presidency since he assumed office on January 20th 2017 as the 45th President of the United States of America. A couple of these publications are by former appointees who in many instances either gave account of their stewardship or pointed attention to the perpetual turmoil and uncertainty in the administration. Perhaps the most riveting and scathing book is the one by Mary L Trump, a niece of President Donald Trump. The book titled “Too Much and Never Enough: How my family created the world’s most dangerous man” is the subject of this review. Before his foray into the Republican Party primaries in 2015 and his eventual surprised emergence as President, Donald Trump was widely known as that real estate business man and reality television show host. But who is Donald Trump? Perhaps no one is better placed to give a detailed portrait of the man who will later become the most powerful man on earth than a close family member. Why will a niece write a scathing tell-it-all book about her uncle? Is she motivated by patriotism, a desire to get even with the president or material consideration? We shall return to this question.

Exceptional America

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mugambi Jouet
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
Mass Incarceration ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
Wealth Inequality ◽  
Law School ◽  
Gun Control ◽  
Alexis De Tocqueville ◽  
American Conservatism ◽  
The Bible

Americans are far more divided than other Westerners over basic issues, including wealth inequality, health care, climate change, evolution, the literal truth of the Bible, apocalyptical prophecies, gender roles, abortion, gay rights, sexual education, gun control, mass incarceration, the death penalty, torture, human rights, and war. The intense polarization of U.S. conservatives and liberals has become a key dimension of American exceptionalism—an idea widely misunderstood as American superiority. It is rather what makes America an exception, for better or worse. While exceptionalism once was largely a source of strength, it may now spell decline, as unique features of U.S. history, politics, law, culture, religion, and race relations foster grave conflicts and injustices. They also shed light on the peculiar ideological evolution of American conservatism, which long predated Trumpism. Anti-intellectualism, conspiracy-mongering, radical anti-governmentalism, and Christian fundamentalism are far more common in America than Europe, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Drawing inspiration from Alexis de Tocqueville, Mugambi Jouet explores American exceptionalism’s intriguing roots as a multicultural outsider-insider. Raised in Paris by a French mother and Kenyan father, he then lived throughout America, from the Bible Belt to New York, California, and beyond. His articles have notably been featured in The New Republic, Slate, The San Francisco Chronicle, The Huffington Post, and Le Monde. He teaches at Stanford Law School.

Putting Donald Trump in Historical Perspective

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doug McAdam
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Racial Politics ◽  
American Democracy ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
And Behavior

The tumultuous onset of Donald Trump’s administration has so riveted public attention that observers are in danger of losing a historical perspective. Trump’s rhetoric and behavior are so extreme that the tendency is to see him and the divisions he embodies as something new in American politics. Instead, Trump is only the most extreme expression of a brand of racial politics practiced ever more brazenly by the Republican Party since the 1960s. His unexpected rise to power was aided by a number of institutional developments in American politics that also have older roots. In the spirit of trying to understand these historical forces, the chapter describes (a) the origins and evolution of the exclusionary brand of racial politics characteristic of the Republican Party since the 1960s, and (b) three illiberal institutions that aided Trump’s rise to power, and that, if left unchanged, will continue to threaten the survival of American democracy.

scholarly journals Historical Mob Violence and the 2016 Presidential Election

2021 ◽  
Vol 694 (1) ◽  
pp. 172-188
Author(s):  
Rebecca Abbott ◽  
Amy Kate Bailey
Keyword(s):  
Black People ◽  
Mob Violence ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
Presidential Primary ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Level Data ◽  
The Social ◽  
White Voters

As a 2016 presidential candidate, Donald J. Trump invoked racially charged rhetoric to galvanize conservative white voters who felt left behind in the “new economy.” In this article, we ask whether Trump’s ability to attract electoral support in that way was linked to local histories of racist mob violence. We use county-level data on threatened and completed lynchings of Black people to predict support for Trump in the 2016 Republican presidential primary and general election across eleven southern states. We find that fewer voters cast their ballots for Trump in counties that had suppressed a comparatively larger share of potentially lethal episodes of racist mob violence. Supplementary analyses suggest that counties’ histories of violence are also related to their electoral support for Republican presidential candidates more broadly. We posit that this correlation points to the durable effects of racist violence on local cultures and the imprint of community histories on the social environment.

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