1885: The Failure of J. R. Chalmers

Author(s):  
John Roy Lynch

This chapter narrates the James R. Chalmers's defeat for governor. It was the year 1885 in which the general election in the state of Mississippi was held for the election of governor and other state officers, district and county officials. The state was hopelessly Democratic. In view of unfavorable political conditions, many Republicans doubted the wisdom of putting a ticket in the field in opposition to the Democratic machine, but after consultation, and since the organization called Greenbackers had made some headway, it was decided to put a ticket in the field if fusion between Republicans and Greenbackers could be agreed upon, which was found to be possible. General Chalmers, who had publicly identified himself with the Republican party, was willing to accept the Republican nomination for governor, if his nomination would be endorsed by the Greenback party. After his humiliating defeat for governor, Chalmers retired to private life where he remained until the meeting of the National Republican Convention in Chicago in 1888, when he made another effort to bring himself into public notice.

Author(s):  
Charles S. Bullock ◽  
Susan A. MacManus ◽  
Jeremy D. Mayer ◽  
Mark J. Rozell

Donald Trump, the thrice married and publicly philandering Manhattan resident who had recently been pro-choice and pro-gun control, won the Republican nomination and the presidency in 2016 in part through his very strong showing among Southern white voters. How he managed to do that is the story of this chapter. Trump appealed to Southern white racial resentment, as well as to the anti-immigration fervor particularly evident in the low growth “stagnant” Southern states such as Alabama and Mississippi. But what was really remarkable is how he won the GOP nomination by doing well in all regions. The Republican Party has become unified around a largely Southern conception of conservatism: deeply religious, pro-military, and less concerned with free trade. In the general election, by contrast, regional polarization intensified in 2016. In both elections, Trump’s path to victory required him to do well among Southern whites, which he ably did.


Te Kaharoa ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Teena Brown Pulu

Constitution law researcher Guy Powles, a Pakeha New Zealander residing in Australia was not optimistic accurate predictions on “the [Tonga] election which is coming up now in November” could be made (Garrett, 2014).  “A man would be a fool to try to guess just where the balance will finish up,” he uttered to Jemima Garrett interviewing him for Radio Australia on April 30th 2014 (Garrett, 2014).  Picturing the general election seven months away on November 27th 2014, Powles thought devolving the monarch’s executive powers to government by constitutional reform was Tonga’s priority.  Whether it would end up an election issue deciding which way the public voted was a different story, and one he was not willing to take a punt on. While Tongans and non-Tongan observers focused attention on guessing who would get into parliament and have a chance at forming a government after votes had been casted in the November election, the trying political conditions the state functioned, floundered, and fell in, were overlooked.  It was as if the Tongans and Palangi (white, European) commentators naively thought changing government would alter the internationally dictated circumstances a small island developing state was forced to work under.


Author(s):  
John Roy Lynch

This chapter studies how John Roy Lynch's appointment to, and acceptance of, the office of justice of the peace resulted in creating, for the time being, two factions in the Republican party in the county. One was known as the Lynch faction and the other the Jacobs faction. When the constitution was submitted to a popular vote in November of 1869, it was provided that there should be elected at the same time all officers provided for, or created by, the constitution, and that they were to be chosen by popular vote, including members of the legislature. The county of Adams—Natchez—was entitled to one member of the state senate and three members of the House of Representatives. H. P. Jacobs was a candidate for the Republican nomination for state senator. For that position the Lynch faction refused to support him, but it had no objection to his nomination for member of the House. Since Jacobs persisted in his candidacy for state senator, the Lynch faction brought out an opposing candidate in the person of a Baptist minister by the name of J. M. P. Williams. The contest between them was interesting and exciting, though not bitter, and turned out to be very close.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Indarja Indarja

The aim of this paper is to analyze the regulation of general election of President and vice President in Indonesia. The method used is the normative juridical, with the history approach. Based on  results that the Election of President and Vice President in Indonesia changes from time to time, from the period 1945-1950 President and Vice President elected by PPKI by acclamation. The period 1950-1959 elected by agreement between the state of RIS and RI. After the 1959 period until now, the President and Vice President were elected by the people through general elections.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-82
Author(s):  
I Kadek Andika Setiawan ◽  
I Gusti Bagus Suryawan ◽  
I Wayan Arthanaya

A failed general election will result in a re-election and will certainly require additional budget. The purpose of this research is to find out the mechanism for the implementation of the re-election and to analyze the use of the State Revenue and Expenditure Budget in the implementation of the re-election. The research method used is normative legal research with a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. The results of this study indicate that the mechanism for implementing the re-election is a dispute over the results of the disputed General Election, by presidential candidates and members of the legislative candidates through the Constitutional Court decision. The mechanism for the provision of funds from the State Revenue and Expenditure Budget in the implementation of the re-General Election is the submission of additional costs by the General Election Commission to the Budget Institution and the Budget Department to revise the budget for the implementation of General Elections that are undergoing re-election.


Significance Newson has managed to have the election brought forward from November to September 14, but it risks becoming a major distraction for both himself and the state over the next two months amid an early wildfire season and rising COVID-19 numbers. Impacts The fall in support for the state Republican party will accelerate if Newson can show unified backing from Democrats. Defeat would further alienate recall supporters in northern rural counties who already feel ignored by Sacramento. Running the recall will cost California several hundred million dollars, but the expense in smaller states would be lower.


Author(s):  
Julian E. Zelizer

This chapter examines how legislators associated with the conservative movement thrived in a congressional process that liberals had helped to create. It first considers how Congress was reformed in the 1970s, focusing on its transition from the committee era to the contemporary era and how the reform coalition of 1958–1974 helped end the committee era. It then compares the contemporary Congress to the committee-era Congress and how the new legislative process contributed to the fortunes of the conservative movement. It also discusses the decentralization and centralization fostered by congressional reforms, the creation of the Conservative Opportunity Society in 1983 by young mavericks in the Republican Party, congressional conservatives' disappointment with the presidency of George H. W. Bush, and the Republican congressional reforms of 1995. The chapter argues that the state endured despite the political success of American conservatism in Congress.


Author(s):  
Tianna S. Paschel

This chapter examines the extent to which Brazilian and Colombian states have implemented ethno-racial reforms and explores the ways in which these policies have changed these societies. It pays special attention to the political conditions that shape these states' decisions to make good on their promises or not. More specifically, it shows how implementation has depended heavily on the ways in which activists navigate their domestic political fields, including how they negotiate their newly gained access to the state. It is also profoundly shaped by the emergence of reactionary movements. Indeed, as the dominant classes became increasingly aware of what was at stake with these rights and policies—land, natural resources, seats in congress, and university slots that could maintain or secure one's place within the middle class—they sought to dismantle them, sometimes through violent means.


Author(s):  
Brian Barry ◽  
Matt Matravers

Although it has been denied (by, for example, F.A. Hayek 1976) that the concept of distributive justice has application within states, it is not controversial that there can be unjust laws and unjust behaviour by individuals and organizations. It has, however, been argued that it makes no sense to speak of justice and injustice beyond the boundaries of states, either because the lack of an international sovereign entails that the conditions for justice do not exist, or because the state constitutes the maximal moral community. Both arguments are flawed. Without them, we are naturally led to ask what are the implications of the widely-held idea of fundamental human equality, the belief that in some sense human beings are of equal value. This cannot be coherently deployed in a way that restricts its application to within-state relations. In either a utilitarian or Kantian form it generates extensive international obligations. An objection that is often made to this conclusion is that the obligations derived are so stringent that compliance cannot reasonably be asked under current political conditions. But this shows (if true) that current political conditions are incompatible with international justice.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 719-736 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Barber ◽  
Jeremy C. Pope

What does the rise and election of Donald J. Trump as president mean for the future of conservatism? Republican elites continue to argue about whether Trump is changing the definition of conservatism for better or worse, although many Republicans seem content to let him shape the issues, direction, and brand of the traditional party of conservatism. We examine the ideological characteristics of different groups of Republican voters across three types of ideology: symbolic, operational, and conceptual. We find distinct differences between Republicans who consistently supported Trump and other groups that either supported him in the general election only and those who never supported him. The Never Trump camp stands out as a group that is less symbolically and operationally conservative but also better able to articulate what it means to be a conservative than do Trump’s core supporters, who look very much the opposite. These results suggest a contemporary Republican Party that is far from unified in what it means to be a conservative.


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