A Not-So-Special Relationship America and Britain

2019 ◽  
pp. 153-172
Author(s):  
Edoardo Campanella ◽  
Marta Dassù

The Brexiteers presented a revived partnership with the United States as the cornerstone of Britain’s new Anglosphere-centered diplomacy. Without the United States, any Anglosphere project would lose meaning, and the future of Britain outside the European Union would be grim. But this chapter argues that the focus on the “special relationship” was based on a delusional national myth. Historically, the specialness, which discounted an enormous gap in terms of power and influence between the two countries, has been more keenly felt in London than in Washington. Since 1945, America’s absolute strength and Britain’s relative weakness has always determined a highly unbalanced relationship. In the eyes of Dean Acheson—Secretary of State in the Truman Administration—British rhetoric surrounding the “special” connection between the two countries reflected nothing more than the UK’s unwillingness to accept its post-imperial status: that of a simple transatlantic intermediary and Anglo-Saxon balancer in European affairs. It has been observed that, from 1945 onwards, the “special relationship” rapidly assumed the character of a “special dependancy”, with Britain being very much the junior partner. Currently, the difference in terms of power and influence between the two countries is as great as in the past—if not even greater, given Britain’s diminished influence in European affairs. On top of that, bridging the policy inconsistencies between “America First” (based on unilateralism and protectionism) and “Global Britain” (based on multilateralism and free markets) might represent an insurmountable obstacle.

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-155
Author(s):  
Łucja Kobroń-Gąsiorowska

Corruption, harassment in a workplace, practices contrary to the correct work process, and many others are irregularities that can arise in any enterprise. This is a problem that affects established democracies and free markets and post-communist countries that are transitioning to democracy and market economies. While the causes of irregularities vary, the tools often suggested tackling them include that do not necessarily encourage potential whistleblowers to report them, whether inside or outside the organization. This article discusses the role of whistleblowing as a whistle­blowing tool. Describes the law and whistleblowing in a comparative context, focusing on the United States and the European Union. The article then concludes with recommendations for strengthening whistleblowing in Europe, where reporting irregularities is just beginning, and the level of protection differs between the Member States.


Author(s):  
Łukasz Danel

This article is devoted to the "special relationship" between the United Kingdom and the United States: a strategic partnership that has united these two countries for good after WWII, even though in many respects it has lasted since the first half of the 19th century. The author starts with presenting the historic outline of the "special relationship" with an emphasis on the characteristics of mutual ties and dependencies. The author also analyses the political circumstances in which tightening or loosening of the British and American relations took place. In the final part of the article, the author refers to the most recent political events, which in 2016 took place in Great Britain and in the United Sates. In this manner, the author is trying to answer the question on how the decision on leaving the European Union by Great Britain (the so-called Brexit) and the election of Donald Trump as the US president will influence the shape of the British and American alliance


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-23
Author(s):  
Sylwia K. Mazur

Donald Trump’s “America-fi rst” diplomacy has undermined the foundations of many alliances, including a transatlantic relationship on which post-war liberal order would rest. Under the current American presidency, EU–US relations are facing signifi cant challenges whose implications are still far from clear. The list of discrepancies between the allies are growing ever longer and the American administration’s decisions are antithetical to those taken by Brussels and other European capitals. Divisions, among other things, have occurred over policies towards the Paris Climate Agreement, Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and the Middle East approach. The special relationship between Europe and United States can no longer be taken for granted. In this presented paper, the author has looked beyond current political disagreements in order to focus on the long term factors underlying the “special relationship”. The rationale behind this research is the dawn of great power politics that happens during the transition from uni-to-multipolar order. America’s disengagement from (and defunding of) the global scene means that the European Union will have to adjust to a world with numerous centres of power and different sources of threat. Ursula von der Leyen announced, upon assuming office in December 2019, that she would lead a “geopolitical Commission” engaged in tackling global challenges. All of this in the face of the fi rst American administration in post-war history that opposes European integration. Due to the space limit (and deservedness for sole attention), the security and defence dimension of transatlantic cooperation will only be briefly mentioned. Regardless of any comments made by former European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker that the European Union will not create an alternative model to NATO1, the creation of a Permanent Structure Cooperation (PESCO) and the establishing of a European Defence Fund cannot be omitted. Enhanced European defence will be essential for a “healthy transatlantic partnership with the United States”2. That partnership will, almost certainly, become more transactional.


Author(s):  
Alexander Belostotsky ◽  
Nikita Britikov ◽  
Oleg Goryachevsky

The article compares the requirements for calculating the snow load on the coatings of buildings and structures in accordance with the regulations of technically developed countries and associations – Russia, the European Union, Canada and the United States. It was revealed that in these norms the general approaches, the subtleties of calculating the coefficients, the set of standard coatings and the schemes of the form coefficient proposed for them differ significantly. This situation reflects the general problem of determining snow loads – at the moment there is no recognized unified scientifically grounded approach to determining snow loads on coatings of even the simplest form. The difference in the normative schemes of snow loads is clearly demonstrated by the example of a three-level roof.


Author(s):  
Oleg Prikhodko

The Anglo-American “special relationship” has characteristics that make it distinct from other alliances led by the United States. The article covers a set of issues ranging from the bilateral nuclear cooperation to a broad web of military links between the US and the UK. It examines the phenomenon of the “special relationship”, its substance and manifestations in security and defense domains, including recent developments. The victory of Joe Biden in the United States 2020 Presidential election, that reversed ‘America First’ policy of D. Trump, makes the future relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom much more predictable. However, the British departure from the European Union is a milestone event with explicit and implicit implications for the policies of the US and the UK. Although it is premature to predict a resulting outcome of Brexit for their relationship, the prevailing view of American and British analysts is that the UK could lose a substantial part of its value for the United States in European matters. Nevertheless, the cooperation between Washington and London in security and defense issues will be no less intense. Moreover, a concept of ‘global Britain’ that is central to Boris Johnson’s foreign and security policies may prove more helpful to the U.S. strategy, especially beyond Europe. At least, an Indo-Pacific commitment on the part of post-Brexit Britain is a striking feature that lies fully in line with the U.S. strategic interests in the region.


Author(s):  
Ted R. Bromund

The Special Relationship is a term used to describe the close relations between the United States and the United Kingdom. It applies particularly to the governmental realms of foreign, defense, security, and intelligence policy, but it also captures a broader sense that both public and private relations between the United States and Britain are particularly deep and close. The Special Relationship is thus a term for a reality that came into being over time as the result of political leadership as well as ideas and events outside the formal arena of politics. After the political break of the American Revolution and in spite of sporadic cooperation in the 19th century, it was not until the Great Rapprochement of the 1890s that the idea that Britain and the United States had a special kind of relationship took hold. This decade, in turn, created the basis for the Special Relationship, a term first used by Winston Churchill in 1944. Churchill did the most to build the relationship, convinced as he was that close friendship between Britain and the United States was the cornerstone of world peace and prosperity. During and after the Second World War, many others on both sides of the Atlantic came to agree with Churchill. The post-1945 era witnessed a flowering of the relationship, which was cemented—not without many controversies and crises—by the emerging Cold War against the Soviet Union. After the end of the Cold War in 1989, the relationship remained close, though it was severely tested by further security crises, Britain’s declining defense spending, the evolving implications of Britain’s membership in the European Union, the relative decline of Europe, and an increasing U.S. interest in Asia. Yet on many public and private levels, relations between the United States and Britain continue to be particularly deep, and thus the Special Relationship endures.


Author(s):  
Richard F. Kuisel

There are over 1,000 McDonald's on French soil. Two Disney theme parks have opened near Paris in the last two decades. And American-inspired vocabulary such as “le weekend” has been absorbed into the French language. But as former French president Jacques Chirac put it: “The U.S. finds France unbearably pretentious. And we find the U.S. unbearably hegemonic.” Are the French fascinated or threatened by America? They Americanize yet are notorious for expressions of anti-Americanism. From McDonald's and Coca-Cola to free markets and foreign policy, this book looks closely at the conflicts and contradictions of France's relationship to American politics and culture. The book shows how the French have used America as both yardstick and foil to measure their own distinct national identity. France has charted its own path: it has welcomed America's products but rejected American policies; assailed Americ's “jungle capitalism” while liberalizing its own economy; attacked “Reaganomics” while defending French social security; and protected French cinema, television, food, and language even while ingesting American pop culture. The book examines France's role as an independent ally of the United States, but he also considers the country's failures in influencing the Reagan, Bush, and Clinton administrations. Whether investigating France's successful information technology sector or its spurning of American expertise during the AIDS epidemic, the book asks if this insistence on a French way represents a growing distance between Europe and the United States or a reaction to American globalization. Exploring cultural trends, values, public opinion, and political reality, this book delves into the complex relationship between two modern nations.


Author(s):  
Attarid Awadh Abdulhameed

Ukrainia Remains of huge importance to Russian Strategy because of its Strategic importance. For being a privileged Postion in new Eurasia, without its existence there would be no logical resons for eastward Expansion by European Powers.  As well as in Connection with the progress of Ukrainian is no less important for the USA (VSD, NDI, CIA, or pentagon) and the European Union with all organs, and this is announced by John Kerry. There has always ben Russian Fear and Fear of any move by NATO or USA in the area that it poses a threat to  Russians national Security and its independent role and in funence  on its forces especially the Navy Forces. There for, the Crisis manyement was not Zero sum game, there are gains and offset losses, but Russia does not accept this and want a Zero Sun game because the USA. And European exteance is a Foot hold in Regin Which Russian sees as a threat to its national security and want to monopolize control in the strategic Qirim.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
◽  
◽  

Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document