Cap and Trade: The Other Way to Price Pollution

2019 ◽  
pp. 73-86
Author(s):  
Gilbert E. Metcalf

This chapter reviews another way to put a price on pollution: establishing a cap and trade program. It describes what cap and trade is, how it puts a price on pollution, and its use around the world. The chapter then goes on to make a case for why a carbon tax is a better approach than cap and trade for pricing carbon pollution in the United States. While either cap and trade or a carbon tax is preferable to the other options discussed in chapter 4, a carbon tax still has significant advantages over cap and trade.

1974 ◽  
Vol 70 ◽  
pp. 23-37

The world economic position and prospects have worsened further in the last three months. In the United States and Japan, in particular, recessionary conditions are proving to be more marked and more prolonged than we had expected, and it looks as though by the end of the year all the major industrial countries, with the possible exception of France, will have experienced at least one quarter in which output has fallen or at best shown no appreciable rise. The other developed countries have fared better, but we no longer expect there to be any growth of output in the OECD area either in the second half of the year or in the year as a whole. In 1975 the position should be rather better, at least by the second half. We expect OECD countries' aggregate GNP to grow by about 2 per cent year-on-year and nearly 3 per cent between the fourth quarters of 1974 and 1975.


2019 ◽  
pp. 86-102
Author(s):  
Susana Sueiro Seoane

This chapter analyzes Cultura Obrera (Labor Culture), published in New York City from 1911 to 1927. Pedro Esteve, the primary editor, gave expression to his ideas in this newspaper and while it represented Spanish firemen and marine workers, it reported on many other workers’ struggles in different parts of the world, for example, supporting and collecting funds for the Mexican revolutionary brothers Flores Magón. This newspaper, as all the anarchist press, was part of a transnational network and had a circulation not only in many parts of the United States but also in Latin American countries, including Argentina and Cuba, as well as on the other side of the Atlantic, in Spain and various European countries.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1097184X1987278
Author(s):  
Adam Baird

Belize has one of the highest homicide rates in the world; however, the gangs at the heart of this violence have rarely been studied. Using a masculinities lens and original empirical data, this article explores how Blood and Crip “gang transnationalism” from the United States of America flourished in Belize City. Gang transnationalism is understood as a “transnational masculinity” that makes cultural connections between local settings of urban exclusion. On one hand, social terrains in Belize City generated masculine vulnerabilities to the foreign gang as an identity package with the power to reconfigure positions of subordination; on the other, the establishment of male gang practices with a distinct hegemonic shape, galvanized violence and a patriarchy of the streets in already marginalized communities. This article adds a new body of work on gangs in Belize, and gang transnationalism, whilst contributing to theoretical discussions around the global to local dynamics of hegemonic masculinities discussed by Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) and Messerschmidt (2018).


1922 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 234-240

I have come to make report to you of the conclusions of what has been termed the Washington Conference on the Limitation of Armament, and to lay before you the series of treaties which the United States and the other powers participating in the conference have negotiated and signed, and have announced to the world. Apart from the very great satisfaction in reporting to the Senate, it is a privilege as well as a duty to ask that advice and consent which the Constitution requires to make these covenants effective.


2015 ◽  
pp. 7-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Madeleine F. Green

The United States is not a world leader in higher education internationalization. A recent survey shows that many other countries are much more active than the US in student exchanges and the other elements of internationalization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 01-05
Author(s):  
Robert GS

An oligopoly is defined as a market structure with a small number of firms that dominate an industry, of which none can keep the other from significantly influencing the market. This market structure is distinctly different from other market forms. In today’s market, the oligopoly structure is the most common market structure. It can be argued that the few pharmaceutical companies who market, manufacture, and distribute opioids all over the world constitute “opioid oligopoly.” Bachtell has reported that dozens of opioid manufacturers, distributors, pharmacies, and doctors turn a blind eye to the opioid crisis swamping the United States.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-80
Author(s):  
Aishwarya Vatsa

We have been gifted with senses other than our eyes, which the non-conventional trademarks aim to employ and have thus gained popularity. These marks have gradually acquired acceptance and have been included under the ambit of trademarks in various countries of the world. Trademark law aims at facilitating profit and strengthening the identity of a business. Non-conventional marks too, perform the same function. The United States has taken a similar approach and has thus provided protection to various such non-conventional marks. India, on the other hand, is yet to take a similar approach. The present law in India disallows the registration of such marks, proving to be a hindrance in their registration, rather than a facilitator. This paper discusses the concept and definition of non-conventional marks, its subject matter and the prerequisites for its registration. By comparing the different approaches to non-conventional trademarks and the procedure for their registration across different countries, this paper aims at suggesting a model suitable for adoption in India.


Author(s):  
Henry Shue

The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change adopted in Rio de Janeiro at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in June 1992 establishes no dates and no dollars. No dates are specified by which emissions are to be reduced by the wealthy states, and no dollars are specified with which the wealthy states will assist the poor states to avoid an environmentally dirty development like our own. The convention is toothless because throughout the negotiations in the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee during 1991 to 1992, the United States played the role of dentist: whenever virtually all the other states in the world (with the notable exceptions of Saudi Arabia and Kuwait) agreed to convention language with teeth, the United States insisted that the teeth be pulled out. The Clinton administration now faces a strategic question: should the next step aim at a comprehensive treaty covering all greenhouse gases (GHGs) or at a narrower protocol covering only one, or a few, gases, for example, only fossil-fuel carbon dioxide (CO2)? Richard Stewart and Jonathan Wiener (1992) have argued for moving directly to a comprehensive treaty, while Thomas Drennen (1993) has argued for a more focused beginning. I will suggest that Drennen is essentially correct that we should not try to go straight to a comprehensive treaty, at least not of the kind advocated by Stewart and Wiener. First I would like to develop a framework into which to set issues of equity or justice of the kind introduced by Drennen. It would be easier if we faced only one question about justice, but several questions are not only unavoidable individually but are entangled with one another. In addition, each question can be given not simply alternative answers but answers of different kinds. In spite of this multiplicity of possible answers to the multiplicity of inevitable and interconnected questions, I think we can lay out the issues fairly clearly and establish that commonsense principles converge to a remarkable extent upon what ought to be done, at least for the next decade or so.


2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sung-Joo Han

The historic June 2000 summit and subsequent exchanges between North and South Korea have added a new dimension to not only South-North Korean relations but also the situation in Northeast Asia as a whole. On one hand, the thawing South- North Korean relations has generated great optimism among those who see it as an irrefutable sign of North Korea's intention to join the rest of the world as a constructive player. At the other extreme, it is seen as a deceptive, if not desperate, act on the part of North Korea to reap economic gains and lower the guard of South Korea and its allies, principally the United States. Perhaps a more realistic assessment lies somewhere between these polar analyses.


1939 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 118-128
Author(s):  
W. D. Reeve

The United States has more children above fourteen years of age in school than all the other countries of the world. In many communities, we have sixty per cent and in a few cases as high as ninety per cent of the ten million pupils of eligible age in school. High school enrollment has grown five times as fast as the population in general. According to Douglass,


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