Prohibition against American Imperialism

2021 ◽  
pp. 418-449
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad

As temperance has largely been synonymous with anti-imperialism the world over, Chapter 15 examines it during America’s imperial era: specifically the Spanish-American War and the conquest of the Philippines. It begins by charting the relationship between Christian anarchist Leo Tolstoy and William Jennings Bryan, who became America’s most outspoken foe of both American imperialism and the exploitative liquor traffic. The anti-canteen movement arose in response to the increasing drunkenness and exploitation of American soldiers—as well as native Cuban and Filipino populations—by the liquor traffic backed by the US military. The Woman’s Christian Temperance Union and the emerging Anti-Saloon League helped secure an anti-canteen law in 1901, effectively getting the US government to restrain its own predatory excesses. The chapter concludes with Bryan’s evangelical, social gospel progressivism, highlighting the shared community protection logic of prohibitionism and anti-imperialism.

2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 711-727 ◽  
Author(s):  
MYLES BEAUPRE

From his position as editor of theNationfrom 1865 until 1899, E. L. Godkin steered one of the liberal standard-bearers in a transatlantic network of cosmopolitan liberals. From this position he helped define nineteenth-century cosmopolitan liberalism. However, while Godkin fitted in the mainstream of liberal thought in 1865, by the time he retired he occupied the conservative fringe. Godkin never made the transition from a nineteenth-century cosmopolitan liberalism to a newer nationalistic democratic liberalism because democracy failed him. Instead of peace, commerce, and learning, democracy created an American Empire rooted in war, protectionism, ignorance, jingoism, and plunder, culminating in the Spanish–American War. Godkin's critique of American imperialism was thus based on his pessimistic but perceptive reading of the flaws of American democracy. Godkin believed that the rise of “jingoist” democracy had doomed the American “experiment” and thought that the nation had slipped into the historical, degenerative cycle of empire. By tracing Godkin's increasingly bitter warnings about the dangers of democracy in the second half of the nineteenth century, we can catch a glimpse of a dying worldview that questioned the ability of democracy to act as a moral force in the world.


Author(s):  
Charles Musser

Politicking and Emergent Media looks at four presidential campaigns in the United States during the long 1890s (1888-1900) and the ways in which Republicans and Democrats mobilized a wide variety of media forms in their efforts to achieve electoral victory. The 1890s was a pivotal era in which new means of audio and visual inscription were first deployed. Newspapers remained the dominant media, and Democrats had gained sufficient advantage in 1884 to put Grover Cleveland in the White House. In 1888 Republicans responded by strengthening their media arm with a variety of tactics, using the stereopticon, a modernized magic lantern, to deliver popular illustrated lectures on the protective tariff which helped Republican candidate Benjamin Harrison defeat Cleveland--though Harrison lost the rematch four years later. Efforts to regain a media advantage continued in 1896 as Republicans embraced motion pictures, the phonograph and telephone to further William McKinley’s campaign for president. When the traditionally Democratic press rejected “Free Silver” candidate William Jennings Bryan, McKinley’s victory was assured. As the United States became a world power in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War, audio-visual media promoted American Imperialism, the “paramount issue” of the 1900 election, as McKinley won a second term.


Author(s):  
Stuart White

The Spanish-American War is best understood as a series of linked conflicts. Those conflicts punctuated Madrid’s decline to a third-rank European state and marked the United States’ transition from a regional to an imperial power. The central conflict was a brief conventional war fought in the Caribbean and the Pacific between Madrid and Washington. Those hostilities were preceded and followed by protracted and costly guerrilla wars in Cuba and the Philippines. The Spanish-American War was the consequence of the protracted stalemate in the Spanish-Cuban War. The economic and humanitarian distress which accompanied the fighting made it increasingly difficult for the United States to remain neutral until a series of Spanish missteps and bad fortune in early 1898 hastened the American entry to the war. The US Navy quickly moved to eliminate or blockade the strongest Spanish squadrons in the Philippines and Cuba; Spain’s inability to contest American control of the sea in either theater was decisive and permitted successful American attacks on outnumbered Spanish garrisons in Santiago de Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Manila. The transfer of the Philippines, along with Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Guam, to the United States in the Treaty of Paris confirmed American imperialist appetites for the Filipino nationalists, led by Emilio Aguinaldo, and contributed to tensions between the Filipino and American armies around and in Manila. Fighting broke out in February 1899, but the Filipino conventional forces were soon driven back from Manila and were utterly defeated by the end of the year. The Filipino forces that evaded capture re-emerged as guerrillas in early 1900, and for the next two and a half years the United States waged an increasingly severe anti-guerrilla war against Filipino irregulars. Despite Aguinaldo’s capture in early 1901, fighting continued in a handful of provinces until the spring of 1902, when the last organized resistance to American governance ended in Samar and Batangas provinces.


Author(s):  
Alfred P. Flores

Following the Spanish-American War of 1898 and the illegal overthrow and annexation of Hawai‘i, the US government transplanted its colonial education program to places in the Caribbean and the Pacific Islands. Specifically, American Sāmoa, Guam, Hawai‘i, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and the US Virgin Islands would all have some aspect of the native boarding school system implemented. In many ways, the colonial education system in Guam was emblematic and exceptional to native boarding schools in the continental United States. Utilizing Guam as a case study reveals how the US military used schools as a site to spread settler colonial policies in an attempt to transform Chamorros into colonial subjects who would support American occupation.


2011 ◽  
Vol 73 (8) ◽  
pp. 706-731 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin D Martin

This study examined the relationship between young Jordanians' ( N = 321) news use and their feelings toward the Jordanian and US governments. Consumption of traditional news delivery formats (such as print newspapers, radio broadcasts and interpersonal sources) was measured, as was reliance on new media formats such as blogs, text messaging and podcasting. Political socialization measures were indices of political trust and appraisals of the US government. Results suggest that young Jordanians in the sample rely mostly on TV news, newspapers and interpersonal contacts for current events information, and that TV news use and reliance on interpersonal sources were associated with negative views of the US government.


Author(s):  
Marvin C. Ott

With the exception of the Philippines, America’s strategic interest in and engagement with Southeast Asia begins with World War II. Prior to that “Monsoon Asia” was remote and exotic—a place of fabled kingdoms, jungle headhunters, and tropical seas. By the end of the nineteenth century European powers had established colonial rule over the entire region except Thailand. Then, as the twentieth century dawned, the Spanish colonial holdings in the Philippines suddenly and unexpectedly became available to the United States as an outcome of the Spanish-American War and Admiral Dewey’s destruction of the decrepit Spanish fleet in Manila Bay. This chapter examines the strategic pivot in Southeast Asia and the role China plays in affecting the U.S. position in this region.


Author(s):  
Barbara Czyżewska

Pleasure Island - Cuba is an intriguing island which, since the day it was discovered by Christopher Columbus, has been fighting for independence and freedom and has never quite succeeded in achieving this aim to this day. Almost all of the native Cubans whom Columbus would have encountered in 1492 were either killed by Spanish colonialists or passed away infected with European diseases such as measles and smallpox, to which their bodies were not immune. People who today call themselves Cuban are, in most cases, decedents of Hispanic colonialists or of African slaves brought across the Atlantic on Spanish galleons to cultivate sugar cane farms. A series of rebellions throughout the 19th century failed to end the Spanish rule. However, in 1898 the Spanish – American War resulted in Spain withdrawing from the island and, following three-and-a-half years of subsequent US military rule, Cuba gained formal independence in 1902. The US helped to revive the ravaged island’s infrastructure and economy, though not without considerable self-interest (Perur, 2015). For many decades the Cuban economy depended heavily on sugar cane which was exported first to Spain and later to the US. Together with the socio-cultural changes of the twentieth century, another industry started playing a key role; this was tourism. Thanks to a relaxed approach to alcohol, gambling and other leisure pursuits, Cuba turned into a convenient backyard playground for US tourists, especially during the prohibition of the 1920s, carrying this reputation well into the 1950s.


Author(s):  
Alejandro Yarza

Los últimos de Filipinas (Last Stand in the Philippines, Antonio Román, 1945) is one of the most popular Spanish films of all times. Drawing from Henri Bergson’s notion of temporality, this chapter argues that the film revolves around a politics of time both informing and informed by totalitarian kitsch aesthetics. The film’s portrayal of a besieged colonial church standing defiantly against a Tagalog rebellion in the small town of Baler during the Spanish-American War in1898 transformed the colonial reality of the Philippines into political myth; a myth which, I argue, condensed to perfection Francoist kitsch ideology.


2021 ◽  
pp. 198-212
Author(s):  
Robert N. Wiedenmann ◽  
J. Ray Fisher

This chapter relates how yellow fever continued to cause casualties during the US occupation after the Spanish-American War ended and how Major William Crawford Gorgas created a successful strategy to eliminate the disease from Cuba by attacking mosquito breeding sites. It goes on to tell the story of the plan to link the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, proposed earlier that century, with the Panama Railroad transporting military goods and soldiers, plus those seeking gold in California. A canal was proposed, but the first, French effort to build it cost hundreds of millions of dollars and tens of thousands of workers’ lives lost before capitulating to yellow fever in 1889. Subsequent US construction, begun in 1904, was soon threatened by disease. When Colonel Gorgas brought his yellow fever control plan to Panama he faced criticism from his superiors but gained the support of President Theodore Roosevelt. The chapter relates how his plan, though seemingly improbable, worked, defeating yellow fever, saving countless lives, and allowing the completion of the canal.


Author(s):  
Charles Luke ◽  
Chris Bowers ◽  
Alex Willard

This chapter discusses the strategic value of landpower in Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HA/DR) operations. When disasters occur that are significant enough to derail/delay political agendas, the US government depends on landpower's unique capabilities to support the lead federal agency, the US Agency for International Development. The authors use three disaster relief operations case studies (the 2010 earthquake in Haiti, the 2014 Ebola outbreak in Liberia, and the 2013 Super Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines) to illuminate the Army's core roles in HA/DR success. Lastly, the chapter discusses the secondary benefits of successful HA/DR operations like enhancing interoperability among joint, interagency, and multinational partners, assuring partners and allies, and reinforcing the strategic narrative of US power.


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