The Politics of Aesthetics

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond A. Patton
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Entertainment Industry ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Front ◽  
Politics Of Aesthetics ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Right ◽  
Mass Entertainment

This chapter explores punk’s intersection with politics in the East and West following its collision with the mass entertainment industry. Examining debates over punk in the Polish Communist Party and the UK Parliament, and efforts to integrate punk into Poland’s Solidarity movement, it shows how politicians struggled to accommodate punk to their worldviews, since punk defied traditional late Cold War sociopolitical categories. Instead, politicians in the First and Second Worlds alike fell back on the model of Matthew Arnold, interpreting culture in terms of “sweetness and light” versus chaos and anarchy—with punk often identified as the latter. While mainstream politicians struggled to fit punk to their worldviews, marginal voices on the Left and Right sought to integrate punk through affiliation with groups such as the Socialist Workers Party (in Rock Against Racism) and the right-wing National Front, ultimately also finding that punk fit poorly with their worldviews.

Environmental Protection under Authoritarian Regimes in Cold War Chile and Hungary

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 310-334
Author(s):  
Viktor Pál ◽  
Leonardo Valenzuela Perez
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
Environmental Goals ◽  
Hungarian State ◽  
The Right ◽  
State Socialist

Authoritarian regimes are often seen to be hostile toward the environment, albeit there is a growing body of literature suggesting a more nuanced image when it comes to authoritarian governments and the environment. However, several aspects of human-nature relationship need further clarification in non-democratic systems, both on the political left and right. In this article we aim to address that challenge by analysing Cold War economic and environmental goals and responses of the right-wing military junta in Chile under Pinochet and the Hungarian state-socialist, USSR-satellite regime under Kádár. By analysing two radically different political and economic approaches to economic catchup, while mitigating environmental costs on the way, this study aims to understand better the ecological motivations in authoritarian regimes operating diverse political and economic agendas.

scholarly journals Images of A.F. Kerensky and the Political Struggle in 1917 (based on the newspapers of A.A. Suvorin)

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 834-883
Author(s):  
Boris I. Kolonitskii
Keyword(s):  
Visual Images ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Personal Authority ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Cultural Forms ◽  
The Right

The article examines the cultural forms of legitimation / delegitimation of authority of the Provisional Government. Particular attention is paid to the personal authority of Alexander Kerensky, including rhetorical (persuasive) devices and visual images which underlay the tactics of praising or condemning him. As the main source, the article uses the newspapers of A.A. Suvorin, namely Malen'kaya gazeta [Little newspaper], Narodnaya gazeta [People’s newspaper], Rus' [Rus], Novaya Rus' [New Rus]. These newspapers are compared with resolutions, letters and diaries, and with publications in other periodicals. The study clarifies some aspects of political isolation of the Provisional Government in the fall of 1917. By this time, the propaganda attack on Kerensky was conducted not only by the Bolsheviks and other left-wing groups but also by the right-wing and conservative publications. The propaganda of the left- and right-wing opponents was significantly different but they had a point of contact: both of them created the image of the “traitor” who was unworthy to remain in power.

Muslim Origins and Destinations

2019 ◽  
pp. 29-44
Author(s):  
Tahir Abbas
Keyword(s):  
Social Mobility ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
Global North ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Downward Social Mobility

Patterns of racism in the Global North are correlated with the changing nature of globalization and its impact on individual economies, especially over the last four decades. The ‘left behind’ are groups in society who have faced considerable downward social mobility, with some becoming targeted by the mainstream and fringe right-wing groups who do this to release their pent up frustration towards the center of political and economic power. How this form of racism has evolved over time to focus on race, ethnicity, culture and now religion is explored in relation to the UK case, discussing the rise of Trump and the issue of Brexit as symptoms of a wider malaise affecting societies of the Global North. These forms of tribalism act to galvanize the right, combining racism with white supremacy, xenophobia and isolationism.

Front Populaire, Front National: The Colonial Example

1986 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 32-43
Author(s):  
Irwin M. Wall
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
French History ◽  
National Front ◽  
Front National ◽  
Petty Bourgeoisie ◽  
The Right ◽  
Wage Increases ◽  
French Communist Party ◽  
Point Of Reference

The popular front strategy, by which the French Communist party (PCF) came to mean a tactical alliance of the left including the Socialists and the left-leaning elements of the petty bourgeoisie represented by the Radical party, was pursued only briefly by the PCF in the 1930s, from 1934 to 1936. This is ironic, since it is by the slogan of the Front Populaire that the period of the 1930s in French history was to be subsequently known and remembered. The popular front was actually a transitional strategy between the famous (or infamous) “Third Period” of Comintern history from 1928–34, characterized in France by the class-against-class policy, and the policy of Front National, in which the PCF pursued a policy of alliance with anyone, including the right, against fascism at home and abroad. The PCF launched the national front in August 1936, and although the slogan did not catch on and was withdrawn, the party pursued that strategy for the remainder of the period until the war. But it was the popular front that would be remembered as having resulted in a wave of social legislation following the Blum government's assumption of power in June 1936 and which has ever since become a point of reference for the PCF. The wage increases, rights to unionize, paid vacations, forty hour week and nationalizations remain accomplishments for the party, to be built upon in each successive experience of participating in, or supporting the French government.

“Why Hasn’t This Teacher Been Shot?” Moral-Sexual Panic, the Repressive Right, and Brazil’s National Security State

2012 ◽  
Vol 92 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Cowan
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Considerable Influence ◽  
Far Right ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right ◽  
National Security State ◽  
The Military

Abstract This article takes up the story of right-wing mobilization before and during Brazil’s military government of 1964–1985. Understanding the regime’s violent countersubversion requires analysis of the ideology that framed it. This ideology flourished among a long-neglected group of far-right intellectuals and organizations that had considerable influence in successive military administrations and worked to define subversion—the military state’s ever-invoked enemy—in terms chiefly moral and sexual. Scholars have noted that defense of “Western Christian civilization” peppered the vague rhetoric of Cold War autocrats throughout Latin America. Yet inattention to the Right per se and to those considered extremists has impeded our understanding of the specific values bound up in such visions of the West and hence of the centrality of morality and culture in countersubversive thought. This article argues that rightists, some of them radical, echoed past conservatisms by linking morality, sexuality, and subversion in ways that gained increasing influence in the 1960s and 1970s.

The ‘Pro-Establishment’ Radical Right

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naoto Higuchi
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Full Advantage ◽  
General Public ◽  
Hate Crimes ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Historical Revisionism ◽  
Detachment Force ◽  
The Right

Japan has witnessed the rise of nativist demonstrations and hate crimes since the late 2000s, leading the Diet to enact the country’s first anti-racism law in 2016. The aim of this chapter is to examine the pro-establishment nature of Japan’s nativist movement. The movement often criticizes the ruling right-wing establishment but should be regarded as a detachment force of the establishment in two ways. First, Japanese nativism is a variant of historical revisionism and the emergence of nativist violence is a ‘by-product’ of the rise of historical revisionism among the right-wing establishment in post-Cold War Japan. Although the nativist movement and the right-wing establishment are not directly associated with each other, the former took full advantage of the discursive opportunity opened by the latter. Second, the general public favours the nativist movement as part of the conservative establishment.

From Anti‐Communism to Anti‐totalitarianism: The Radical Potential of Democracy

2002 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 551-572 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dick Howard
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
The World ◽  
Cultural Cold War ◽  
The Right ◽  
Domestic Support ◽  
Personal Interests

The Very Nature Of Democracy Makes Its Defence Difficult. In a democracy, the majority has the right to be wrong and the opportunity to make public its private passions while acting on its personal interests. What is more, democratic tolerance of pluralism and legitimation of social conf lict ensure that democracy will be characterized above all by self-criticism. As a result, when it is threatened, its enemies will find at least some domestic support from those who despair of democracy, or at least of this democracy, and who convince themselves that a better, more substantial or less superficial, democracy can be brought into being. Such critics of the really existing democracy are convinced that they are acting in the name of real democracy. So it was, for example, that the American Communist Party could claim to incarnate ‘twentieth-century Americanism’ following the same logic used by Marx a century earlier to criticize the ‘merely formal’ nature of bourgeois democracy. But so it was too when the CIA took it upon itself to finance not only political opposition to Soviet inf luence but also to support and encourage what Francis Stonor Saunders's recent study of The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters revealed. The shared logic of the CIA and the communists turns out, as the saying goes, to be no accident.

scholarly journals The Metabolism of the Right Populism in France of the 21st Century

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 85-101
Author(s):  
G. N. KANINSKAYA
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
National Front ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
Modern France ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Masses

The phenomenon of a right populism in modern France is analyzed.  In such context, the theoretical approaches of leading French  historians, sociologists and political scientists to the definition of  populism are considered. The main differences in the definition of  populism by different specialists are shown. Different manifestations of populism such as the left-, rightwing, and  emanating from the masses and the ruling elite are characterized.  The features of a modern right-wing populism are reviewed on the  example of the National Front Party (NF), headed by Marin Le Pen.  The political, cultural, electoral and institutional factors that led to  the growing popularity of the NF are studied. The specifics of the  success of the “fronts” in various elections, beginning in 2012, are  presented in a “long-term”, “medium-term” and “short-term”  perspective. Weaknesses in governing the country of systemic ruling left and right parties, and the growth of distrust towards them  by civil society are shown. The evolution of the National Front  since the founding of the party by Jean-Marie Le Pen and internal  party crises are considered. The author comes to the conclusion  that, despite the fact that in the doctrinal plan the “marinists” have  not moved away from the “national populism” that followed the NF  congress on March 10-11, 2018, tactical actions and a change in the  name of the party suggest that that the party is trying to become  the second system right-wing party in France. Besides, the strong  assertion of populism in global political culture has become a  challenge to liberal democracy in the 21st century, so it could be  expected to manifest itself in other far-right associations.

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