Assessing the Consequences of Religious Inclusion

2018 ◽  
pp. 103-135
Author(s):  
Benjamin R. Hertzberg

Many fear including religion in democratic politics because they think religious-political participation is likely to undermine public policies they value, from sexual freedoms to science education. This chapter uses a form of instrumental justification of democracy—John Dewey’s informational approach—in order to develop criteria that can determine when religious inclusion is likely to undermine crucial democratic purposes and when it will enhance them. These criteria include religion’s likely effect on the cognitive and identity diversity of the public sphere, and the public sphere’s openness and fallibility. They require analysis of the role that religious institutions play in the public sphere, demanding that citizens consider when and under what conditions religious activism publicizes relevant political information, and when it acts to prevent democratic institutions from gathering the information required to make good policy.

Author(s):  
Kenneth L. Hacker ◽  
Eric L. Morgan

Emerging media technologies are increasingly reconfiguring the public sphere by creating new spaces for political dialogue. E-democracy (digital democracy) and e-government can be usefully served by these emerging technologies; however, their existence does not automatically equate to increased political participation. There is still a need to develop specific and theoretically-oriented approaches to a newly reconfigured public sphere. Employing a structurational perspective, this essay addresses the relationship between political participation, emerging media, new media networking, and e-democracy. While new media networking increases the potential for political participation, depending on various factors such as access, usage and skills, the potential exists for increasing disempowerment as well. The chapter concludes with recommendations for the use of new media networking in ways that enhance e-democracy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 773-796 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eamon Darcy

AbstractA consideration of political participation in early Stuart Ireland suggests modifications to the prospectus outlined by Peter Lake and Steven Pincus in “Rethinking the Public Sphere in Early Modern England.” By investigating the structures that facilitated public debates about politics in Ireland, as well as the factors that complicated it, this article challenges the periodization of the public sphere offered by Lake and Pincus and suggests that there is a clear need to integrate a transnational perspective. Unlike England, Scotland, and Wales, the majority of Ireland's population was Catholic. The flow of post-Tridentine Catholic ideas from the Continent and Anglo-Britannic political culture meant that competing ideas of what constituted the common good circulated widely in Ireland and led to debates about the nature of authority in the early modern Irish state. These divisions in Irish society created a distinctive kind of politics that created particularly unstable publics. Thus, Ireland's experience of the early modern public sphere differed considerably from concurrent developments in the wider archipelago.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (51) ◽  
pp. 629-650
Author(s):  
Arthur Hirata Prist ◽  
Maria Paula Dallari Bucci

Resumo Este artigo propõe uma análise dos aspectos políticos e jurídicos do Direito à Cidade sob a perspectiva do conceito de esfera pública. O Direito à Cidade é interpretado como um elo dinâmico entre a mobilização política, a democratização das relações sociais e do aparato institucional do Estado e a garantia de melhores condições materiais de existência no espaço urbano. A partir da revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema das lutas sociais urbanas no Brasil e na cidade de São Paulo, pretende-se demonstrar que o Direito à Cidade é exercido pela população a partir dos embates na esfera pública responsáveis por impulsionar a renovação da ordem jurídica e atribuir novos sentidos ao Direito existente.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 56-69
Author(s):  
Yohanes Krismantyo Susanta

The practice of religious education (including Christian religious education) carried out by religious institutions is considered to have contributed to national disunity. This is indicated by the attitude of feeling the most correct self, seeing other people who are different (in the context of religion) as a party that is more inferior so as to bring up the hierarchy (domination-subordination relations) that causes alienation (exclusion) of others. This paper aims to find a friendly form of Christian education in the context of religious heterogeneity. By utilizing the concept of friendship promoted by Jürgen Moltmann, this paper shows that friendship is not just relationships formed in the private sphere but is always conceived and practiced in the public sphere. In Christian Education that promotes friendship, Christians need to transcend borders, transcend church walls and work together with other religious communities for peace and justice.


2012 ◽  
pp. 1631-1654
Author(s):  
Kenneth L. Hacker ◽  
Eric L. Morgan

Emerging media technologies are increasingly reconfiguring the public sphere by creating new spaces for political dialogue. E-democracy (digital democracy) and e-government can be usefully served by these emerging technologies; however, their existence does not automatically equate to increased political participation. There is still a need to develop specific and theoretically-oriented approaches to a newly reconfigured public sphere. Employing a structurational perspective, this essay addresses the relationship between political participation, emerging media, new media networking, and e-democracy. While new media networking increases the potential for political participation, depending on various factors such as access, usage and skills, the potential exists for increasing disempowerment as well. The chapter concludes with recommendations for the use of new media networking in ways that enhance e-democracy.


Theoria ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (162) ◽  
pp. 45-70
Author(s):  
Anthony Lawrence Borja

The beating heart of democratic politics is a set of paradoxes revolving around the issues of popular identity and sovereignty. Populist ideology appeals to the sovereign people, consequently engaging the democratic paradox in a manner akin to either moving an immoveable object or catching something in constant flux. Marginal consideration has been given by scholars to populism’s relationship with the democratic paradox, with current notions of the former seeing it more as a result of the latter. Thus, by recasting the democratic paradox as a question and analysing its relationship with populist ideology, this article seeks to clarify the supposedly ambiguous relationship between populism and democracy. In analysing the transformative processes within populism by using early Peronism and Italian Fascism as case studies, it argues that as the ideological embodiment of the democratic paradox populist ideology preserves and expresses the paradox in the public sphere.


Politics ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-169
Author(s):  
Lien Pham ◽  
Ance Kaleja

Drawing on Amartya Sen’s concept of agency and capability, this article explores political participation in three dimensions: individual dispositions, opportunities for participation, and processes of participation. It presents an analytical approach that examines these dimensions in relation to practices of participation as interactions between the State and citizens within and outside of political institutions. Two examples are used to illustrate the utility of this approach in states where democratic institutions are deficient. The first example historically traces the evolution of tribal informal institutions in Jordan to demonstrate how and why they mediate people’s participation in the public sphere. The second example uses narrative inquiry to explore community activists’ aspiration for and commitment to political expression through social media in Vietnam. Both examples suggest that a country’s political institutions and its rule of law may shape political cultures and societal values of participation, but it is the individuals’ recognition and response to these structures that ultimately create their motivations and the opportunities for them to participate. The article emphasises the importance of understanding the contexts in which the respective tradition of political participation takes place in order to understand the outcomes as well as the conditions for participation, especially in contexts that theoretically qualify as authoritarian.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Bryce

Between 1880 and 1930, German speakers in Buenos Aires, together with hundreds of thousands of other immigrants and their children, created a framework that defined the relationships among the state, the public sphere, religious institutions, ethnic organizations, and family that then evolved throughout the twentieth century. The definitions of German ethnicity slowly changed in Buenos Aires, as did the nature of the linguistic and cultural pluralism of Argentine society. Ideas about the future drove German-speaking immigrants to build and support a range of institutions. In so doing, however, these immigrants and second-generation bilinguals created overlapping German communities in Buenos Aires. They navigated among denominational, linguistic, German, and Argentine identities. Their ideas and actions about citizenship and belonging helped give shape to the meaning of ethnicity in Argentina.


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