The Arab Uprisings

2019 ◽  
pp. 149-176
Author(s):  
Daniel Philpott

This chapter looks at the Arab Uprisings that began in early 2011 and spread across the Arab world. It argues that just as the Arab Uprisings were by and large a failure for democratic aspirations, so, too, the Uprisings were a failure for religious freedom, with the exception of Tunisia. Then, it draws upon the regime types of the previous chapters (religiously free, secular repressive, and religiously repressive states) to argue that religious freedom—its predominant absence, the reasons for its absence, and its rare presence—explains much about both the general failure and the isolated success of these uprisings.

Author(s):  
Daniel Philpott

Is Islam hospitable to religious freedom? The question is at the heart of a public controversy over Islam that has raged in the West over the past decade-and-a-half. Religious freedom is important because it promotes democracy and peace and reduces ills like civil war, terrorism, and violence. Religious freedom also is simply a matter of justice—not an exclusively Western principle but rather a universal human right rooted in human nature. The heart of the book confronts the question of Islam and religious freedom through an empirical examination of Muslim-majority countries. From a satellite view, looking at these countries in the aggregate, the book finds that the Muslim world is far less free than the rest of the world. Zooming in more closely on Muslim-majority countries, though, the picture looks more diverse. Some one-fourth of Muslim-majority countries are in fact religiously free. Among the unfree, 40% are repressive because they are governed by a hostile secularism imported from the West, and the other 60% are Islamist. The emergent picture is both honest and hopeful. Amplifying hope are two chapters that identify “seeds of freedom” in the Islamic tradition and that present the Catholic Church’s long road to religious freedom as a promising model for Islam. Another chapter looks at the Arab Uprisings of 2011, arguing that religious freedom explains much about both their broad failure and their isolated success. The book closes with lessons for expanding religious freedom in the Muslim world and the world at large.


Author(s):  
Larbi Sadiki

This chapter looks at the Arab uprisings and their outcomes, approaching them from the perspective of the peoples of the region. The Arab uprisings are conceived of as popular uprisings against aged and mostly despotic governments, which have long silenced popular dissent. Ultimately, the Arab uprisings demonstrate the weakness of traditional international relations, with its focus on states and power, by showing how much the people matter. Even if the Arab uprisings have not yet delivered on popular expectations, and the Arab world continues to be subject to external interference and persistent authoritarian rule, they are part of a process of global protest and change, facilitated by new media and technology, which challenges the dominant international relations theories.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcia C. Inhorn ◽  
Konstantina Isidoros

In the aftermath of the 2011 “failed” Arab uprisings, anthropologists have been exploring the ways in which ordinary Arab men have been living through these precarious times, while also attempting to maintain some semblance of their former lives and fundamental humanity. Instead of relying on familiar scholarly tropes of “men in crisis” or “hegemonic masculinity,” anthropologists working in a variety of Arab countries and Western refugee settings have pointed to new conceptualizations of Arab manhood, thereby questioning dominant notions of “traditional” Arab masculinity and patriarchy. “Emergent masculinities” in the Arab world foreground new forms of male agency, as well as the emotional and moral worlds of Arab men living within larger familial, community, and national structures. In this special issue, anthropologists from six different countries explore Arab men’s lives in the post-revolutionary period of refugee crisis. Their cutting-edge anthropological scholarship reveals three pivotal themes: First, Arab masculinity and male breadwinner roles have changed dramatically in the post-revolutionary period, particular in Egypt, where conflicting stories of courage and corruption abound. Second, men who have been forced to flee their home countries, especially Syria, work hard to maintain a sense of masculine responsibility and dignity within stigmatizing refugee conditions. Finally, “doing” masculinity now requires special care and creativity on the part of Arab men. Arab men’s articulations of masculinity in practice, as revealed through detailed ethnographic accounts, highlight their everyday efforts to be “good men,” as well as “good at being men,” while living through these politically dangerous times.


Subject Security sector reform in the Arab world. Significance Security sector reform (SSR) has gradually dropped down the political agenda of regional governments in recent years. In the aftermath of the 2011 Arab uprisings, it was seen as a top priority for transition states because it had been a key demand of many protesters across the region. However, the subsequent rise in instability in many transition states, and a successful 'counter-revolution' in others, has effectively stalled SSR efforts. Impacts Tunisia and Egypt may make modest efforts to improve the image of the internal security forces in an effort to reduce public anger. Escalating crackdowns and abuses by Arab security services risk stoking militant opposition and recruitment to jihadist groups. Failure to carry out deep SSR will reduce prospects for transition to more representative forms of government. In conflict zones, informal security actors, in particular sectarian and tribal militias, will slow efforts to restore state authority.


Author(s):  
Omar Dahi

This chapter examines the development of the United Nations in three different time periods in the postwar era in the Arab world. The first was from the 1950s to the 1970s, which witnessed the rise of the developmental state in several parts of the Arab world and coincided with the rise of the Third World Movement in the Global South, when developing countries came together to demand political and economic reforms as well as nuclear disarmament. The second period spanned the late 1970s to 2010, which witnessed state retrenchment and rising poverty and inequality alongside persistent authoritarianism and increased imperial intervention. The third period is marked by the dawn of the Arab uprisings that swept the Middle East and North Africa region. In each of the three eras a different UN report is referenced: the 1949 “United Nations Economic Survey Mission for the Middle East,” the 2002 Arab Human Development Report, and the Economic and Social Commission for West Asia's Arab Integration report.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (5) ◽  
pp. 517-544 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fenja Søndergaard Møller

In the aftermath of the Arab uprisings, the difference between monarchies and republics appears more profound than ever. Aside from Bahrain, all of the Middle Eastern monarchies avoided major anti-governmental protests, and no armed conflict has occurred in any of them since 1979. Inspired by Middle Eastern case studies, this article argues that traditional legitimacy contributes to peace in Middle Eastern monarchies. The article explores the argument with time-series cross-sectional data covering 19 Middle Eastern countries from 1947 (or independence) to 2009. Traditional legitimacy is not measured directly but assumed to be embedded in the monarchical regime type, and the results show that alternative covariates are unable to fully explain the monarchical peace. Moreover, the study finds that horizontal discrimination increases the risk of intrastate conflict in authoritarian republics but that discrimination has no effect in monarchies. Future conflict studies should therefore consider legitimacy connected to authoritarian regime types.


Author(s):  
Augustus Richard Norton

This chapter assesses the critical issue of political reform in the Middle East. The Arab world has been slow to respond to the global processes of democratization. The chapter then highlights the political economy of states, the persistence of conflict, regime type, and the ambiguity over the relationship between democracy and Islam. This relationship is not necessarily a contradictory one. Islamic discourse is marked by participation and diversity rather than by rigidity and intolerance. Further, as the Arab Spring has illustrated, civil society is vibrant and growing in many states across the region. Meanwhile, responses from the West to political reform have been lukewarm, with stability and regional alliances privileged over democracy. The evidence from the region, even before the Arab uprisings, is that peoples want better and more representative government, even if they remain unclear as to what type of government that should be.


2015 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 621-645
Author(s):  
Belqes Al-Sowaidi ◽  
Felix Banda ◽  
Arwa Mansour

The present paper aims to analyse a number of those slogans collected from the sit-in quarters in Egypt, Libya and Yemen. Using political discourse analysis, it unravels various typical discourse structures and strategies that are used in slogans in the construction of a sub-genre of political discourse in the Arab world. Drawing data from several mediums, including banners, wall graffiti, audio-visual instruments, chanting, speeches and songs, this paper tries to show the extent to which the slogans serve as a medium by which political complaints and comments are dispensed and consumed. This paper draws on a rhetorical analysis to find out their persuasive effect on shaping the Arab intellect and on the change of the political atmosphere in the region. Lastly, this paper attempts to show to what extent the slogans meet the standards of political discourse and whether they can be considered as a sub-genre of political discourse or not.


Politik ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bjørn Olav Utvik

The political successes of Islamists following the Arab uprisings of 2011 makes understanding Islamism more important than ever. ey have long been central to oppositional politics in the Arab world. Now they may well become a dominant factor in the emerging new regimes. A necessary starting point is to recognise that the Islamists played a pivotal role in the Arab spring from the start. Furthermore, to grasp the possible ways in which the Islamists may in uence developments to come, research must turn away from essentialising their Islamic ideology and discover the contradictory impulses driving these complex and dynamic social movements. 


Author(s):  
Monique Cardinal

The Arab uprisings of 2010-2011 generated a growing movement for change among the judicial corps throughout the Arab world. Judges and prosecutors created independent associations in Morocco, Mauritania, Yemen, Libya, Lebanon, and Tunisia to represent their interests and promote a better administration of justice. Since the March Revolution of 2011 in Syria, members of the judiciary also attempted to create their own association, but failed to do so. This article briefly outlines the demographics of the judicial corps after ten years of conflict in Syria. A noticeable change is the increase in the number of women in the judiciary and their promotion to positions of power. How have women judges and prosecutors used the greater authority granted to them? To the advantage of the regime, as a means for self-promotion or to better defend the rights of all? The second part of the article details the progressive disempowerment of the judiciary, the expansion of the criminal justice system and the creation of the Counterterrorism Court used by the regime to quash the popular uprising. In the final section, stories of off-bench resistance highlight efforts made by judges and prosecutors to defend their judicial autonomy and the basic human rights and freedoms of all Syrians.


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