Argentina: Deepening Alignment with the West

1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 113-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Russell ◽  
Laura Zuvanic

In July 1989, as Carlos Menem awaited his inauguration as president, Argentina was experiencing a situation very different from that of the early days of the Alfonsín administration. Much water had passed over the dam since the transition. The crunch of economic crisis — and the failure of the Radical administration to overcome it even minimally — had brought economic questions to center stage and relegated political claims to second place. In this setting, Argentina's new foreignpolicymakers put aside the practice, set by their predecessors, of standing on principle. From the beginning, their rhetoric emphasized three keywords realism, pragmatism, and “normality,” — as the basis of a policy which focused on the economy (Argentina, 1989a: 1).According to Domingo Cavallo:The national interest, in the kind of historical circumstances now prevailing, is most dramatically manifest by economic and social demands. Thus, foreign policy will be realistic and seek to create a better political relationship with the friendly countries of the world in order to resolve Argentina's urgent economic and social problems (Argentina, 1989b: 2)

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 82-92
Author(s):  
Gekkaya Funda

The formation of external policy of any country aims at serving the state’s interests. For this matter, many countries seek their way through this by taking into account the potential prospects available to them. The fundamental subtleties and factors that influence a state’s choices of external policy include geographical location, history, security, culture, trade, political ideology, military might, et cetera. Countries often make external contacts based on some regulations and response to unfolding events. Thus, external policy to an extent pertains to the guiding principles outlined to be pursued through state values, decisions and actions taken by the states themselves and their attempt to develop, manage and control the external relations of national societies. In this regard, the Caucasian region has been an important factor in Turkey’s foreign policy. Since these states emerged in the early 1990s, energy has taken a center stage within the region, while Turkey remains a transit route to the world...


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-66
Author(s):  
Zaprulkhan Zaprulkhan

Abstract: In 1989 Francis Fukuyama with his article The End of History? In the journal The National Interest revolves a speculative thesis that after the West conquered its ideological rival, hereditary monarchy, fascism and communism, the constellation of the world of international politics reached a remarkable consensus to liberal democracy. A few years later, Samuel P. Huntington came up with a more provocative thesis that ideological-based war would be a civilization-based war in his article, The Clash of Civilizations? In the journal Foreign Affairs. It reveals that in the future the world will be shaped by interactions among the seven or eight major civilizations of Western civilization: Confucius, Japan, Islam, Hinduism, Orthodox Slavs, Latin America and possibly Africa. Huntington directed the West to pay particular attention to Islam, for Islam is the only civilization with great potential to shake Western civilization. Departing from the above hypotheses, this paper will specifically discuss the bias of Fukuyama and Huntington's thesis on Islam, and how its solution to build a dialogue of civilization by taking the paradigm of dialogue from Ibn Rushd and Raghib As-Sirjani. Abstrak: Pada tahun 1989 Francis Fukuyama dengan artikelnya The End of History? Dalam jurnal The National Interest revolusioner tesis spekulatif bahwa setelah Barat telah menaklukkan lawan-lawan ideologisnya, monarki herediter, fasisme dan komunisme, konstelasi politik internasional mencapai konsensus yang luar biasa untuk demokrasi liberal. Beberapa tahun kemudian, Samuel P. Huntington muncul dengan tesis yang lebih provokatif bahwa perang berbasis ideologis akan menjadi perang berbasis peradaban dalam artikelnya, The Clash of Civilisations? Dalam jurnal Luar Negeri. Ini mengungkapkan bahwa di masa depan akan dibentuk oleh interaksi antara tujuh atau delapan peradaban utama peradaban Barat: Konfusius, Jepang, Islam, Hindu, Slavia Ortodoks, Amerika Latin dan mungkin Afrika. Perhatian Huntington pada Islam adalah potensi terpenting untuk mengguncang peradaban Barat. Berangkat dari hipotesis di atas, makalah ini akan secara khusus membahas bias tesis Fukuyama dan Huntington tentang Islam, dan bagaimana mereka akan mengambil paradigma dialog dari Ibn Rushd dan Raghib As-Sirjani.


Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2(71)) ◽  
pp. 149-170
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Gruszko

Human rights in international relations are defined by the boundaries between individual states and regions, as well as the most important theories of international relations. The assumption of their universal character often finds no reflection in the foreign policy of states, especially the strongest ones. The most important players and theories do not question the existence of human rights as such, however, their role and place in international relations are interpreted differently. Human rights in Hong Kong, the meeting place of the West and Confucianism in the context of globalization, may become the litmus test of the intentions of the world powers and their vision of a World Order in regard to human rights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia

For the most part, the literature about Indonesia’s foreign policy does not stray far from a descriptive and chronological presentation of the subject. The fact of the matter is that an in-depth analysis of the nation’s foreign policy from a different era will impart valuable lessons to the current policymakers in charge of formulating and implementing such a policy. The era of Sukarno bore witness to the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy that was strong in ideas and practices. Employing discourse analysis, this article seeks to analyze five of Sukarno’s speeches, which were delivered in various international forums from 1955 to 1963. It demonstrates that during that time, Indonesia put forward a coherent and consistent foreign policy with colonialism as its master signifier. The promotion of such a discourse contributed positively to the diplomatic effort on the issue of West Papua by mobilizing supports from Asian-African nations, as well as attracting the interest of the superpowers. As a result, Indonesia’s national interest to bring West Papua into the Republic was well served, and furthermore, Indonesia succeeded in enhancing its image, role, and leadership in world affairs. This experience presents a challenge to the contemporary policymakers in producing a configuration of strong ideas and concepts that would allow the implementation of a foreign policy that serves the national interest, when the nation has once again risen as an important player on the world stage.


Author(s):  
D. KONG

Today, the world is in the midst of a tremendous change. The concept of the Great Eurasian Partnership is an attempt by Russia to go beyond the framework of traditional foreign policy thinking focused on the USA and the West, the result of a breakthrough, as well as a diplomatic direction, a strategy of economic development in the new conditions. Connecting the concept with the initiative of international cooperation One Belt and One Road is one of the key factors for its implementation.


Author(s):  
Thomas B. Pepinsky ◽  
R. William Liddle ◽  
Saiful Mujani

Recent scholarship on Islam and world politics asks how Muslims relate with the United States, but has conceived of foreign policy preferences in simplistic, pro- or anti-US terms. This chapter examines how Islamic revivalism shapes foreign policy attitudes in Indonesia, introducing a flexible methodology for capturing both the multidimensionality and nonexclusivity of Indonesian Muslims’ views of the West, the Muslim World, East Asia, and Southeast Asia. It shows that pious Muslims in Indonesia are not more likely to be anti-US; they are, rather, more likely to hold cosmopolitan worldviews. These findings are inconsistent with a “clash of civilizations” view of Islamic revivalism in Indonesia. Instead, they support an alternative perspective of Islamic revivalism as marked by modernity and cosmopolitanism rather than fundamentalism or particularism.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 79-129
Author(s):  
Murad Ismayilov

This article examines the ways in which Azerbaijan’s energy abundance and the energy diplomacy the latter made possible—combined with inherent weaknesses attending the state’s young post-colonial polity—conditioned the limits of the desirable by which the country’s post-independence elite was guided and, as such, limited the range of directions—cognitive and spatial—in which Azerbaijan’s foreign policy evolved during the first decade following independence. The study then examines how energy-induced growth in state capacity on the one hand, and the perceived failure of the state’s previous practices to help resolve outstanding security problems on the other, coupled with the effects of a number of endogenous and exogenous shocks (particularly, the colour revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine; Kosovo’s recognition by the West; the Russia-Georgia 2008 war; global economic crisis; and Turkey’s short-lived attempt at rapprochement with Armenia) and the perceptual shifts those shockwaves worked to engender, served to broaden the spatial and conceptual boundaries within which Azerbaijan’s foreign policy practices were conceived and effected, including by virtue of the energy resources the country has got in possession. The paper concludes by tracing the particular ways in which the broadening and deepening of the country’s foreign policy practices have occurred.


1952 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas I. Cook ◽  
Malcolm Moos

World politics today is admittedly bipolar, and it seems destined to remain so within the foreseeable future. Beset by its sustained tension, Americans have been led to debate, sometimes acrimoniously, the proper foundations, scope, and content of an effective foreign policy. Since presumably the central theme and central purpose of this debate is the definition of what constitutes the American national interest, the first objective is to define the idea of national interest. Thereafter it is necessary to draw proper deductions relevant to the total world situation, and in turn to apply these deductions as policy to the forces there at work. These forces—political, economic, ideological, and military—in their interconnectedness collectively constitute the raw materials for assessment, judgment, planning, and action in our policy-making.Resultant differences of opinion therefore can take place at different levels. Initially there are vastly divergent concepts of the characteristics of a nation, of the role of nations in the world, and of the nature of interests proper to a nation. The scope of these divergencies is often hidden by our tendency to find in the term “national interest” connotations of particularism, of exclusiveness, of the nation as against, or superior to, the rest of the world.


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