Land and/or Labor? Predicament of Petty Commodity Producers among South Indian Villages

Author(s):  
R. V. Ramana Murthy

This chapter revisits the experience of land reforms in Kerala and West Bengal to provide a comparative analysis of the impact of left reformism on the nature of capital accumulation in these two states. The chapter builds on a conceptual framework combining a contemporary Marxist reading of the agrarian question and the theoretical justification of land reforms from a developmentalist perspective. The analysis in the chapter shows that land reforms were not able to generate a process of inclusive industrial development in either state. In Kerala, land reforms did not revitalize agricultural production primarily because of a powerful trade union movement leading to overpricing of labor and resistance to technological upgrading while in West Bengal the sharp increase in agricultural productivity could not be transmitted to dynamic process of capital accumulation in the larger economy. This is interpreted as a disarticulation of the accumulation problematic of the agrarian question.

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-88
Author(s):  
Anirban Karak

Three trends in industrial development contribute to the industrial history of West Bengal during the 1980–1991 period—the continuation of a secular decline in terms of employment and value added in manufacturing industries vis-à-vis other states, an ancillarization and flexibilization of production into small-scale factories with less than 20 workers, and a differential impact of this ancillarization on basic goods and consumer goods industries, with the former performing much better than the latter. Viewed through the theoretical lens of structural demand and agriculture–industry relations, the relatively slower growth of consumer goods industries poses a puzzle when the spectacular growth of agricultural output during the 1980s is considered. In this article, I suggest that tying together three factors—the impact of the ‘Green Revolution’ on West Bengal’s agriculture, the nature and effect of the Left Front’s land reforms, and the role of rural commercial capital—can in turn hold together three outcomes for the period 1980–1991 in a single explanation—high agricultural growth, mass poverty among the rural poor despite land reforms and agricultural growth, and the poor growth of consumer goods industries despite high agricultural growth.


1979 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Farrell

In common with many other countries, Australia has had, since 1920, a Communist Party, which is an obvious and continuing symbol of international reaction to the Russian Revolution of 1917. Naturally enough the formation of this Communist Party and its subsequent history has attracted a degree of attention from historians and scholars of Communist movements and Australian politics. The impact of the Profintern, on the other hand, has been completely neglected. Even at the international level no full-scale study of the Profintern and its related trade-union organisations is yet available, and though one scholar has noticed that in Australia “the history of communism in the unions is […] separate from CPA political history”, the bases of this separation have been left relatively unexplored. This article seeks to examine Moscow's links with the Australian trade-union movement via the Profintern in the period 1920–35. It would seem that these links overshadowed the CPA as a “Communist” influence in the Australian context, at least for the first decade of the Comintern's existence. The separation of CPA history from the wider influence of Communism in the unions is discernible almost from the very start.


Author(s):  
Oleg Rasskazov

The article deals with the issues of determining the impact and role of agro-industrial production on the development of rural areas, taking into account the rational and effective use of their potential to enhance their functioning and development. The conducted research showed that there was no strategy for the development of the above-mentioned processes and the lack of use of the opportunities created by the united territorial communities, which today received the prospects of a real impact on the activities of agricultural production. Therefore, it is suggested that in developing the concept of strategic development of this sphere of economy, to lay down strategies for integrated, sustainable and inclusive development on the basis of thorough research of the baseline provisions and basic scientific developments of national and foreign scientists on the subject. The key methodological provisions that should be the basis for the development of the agro-industrial development strategy are highlighted.


Author(s):  
Shelton Stromquist ◽  
Greg Patmore

Comparative history provides an opportunity for scholars to move beyond national boundaries and reflect on their own societies in new light. But such comparisons are not always straightforward. While both Australia and the United States have federal governments, the state played a more coercive role against organized labor and radicals in the United States than in Australia. Several factors softened the impact of the state on labor in Australia: a stronger trade union movement, the formation of labor parties, and a political consensus on regulating industrial relations at least until the 1980s. In the United States, unbridled hostility of large corporations toward organized labor governed state policy. Despite these differences, labor in both countries found political space to promote progressive policies and modify the harsh behavior of governments....


1987 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Mitchell

The power to award preference to unionists pursuant to the Commonwealth Con ciliation and Arbitration Act, 1904 is potentially of great importance to the trade union movement. When such a power is exercised it may extend to union members an advan tage over non-unionists across a broad range of employment rights, including engage ment, promotion, taking of leave and retrenchment. It is argued that the power to grant preference has been misunderstood and misapplied by those responsible for its implementation, and that unionists have thereby been deprived of benefits to which they were legally and ethically entitled. It is argued further that the supposed 'principles' adopted in preference cases have been inadequately identified and analysed. In practice one principle has prevailed: preference would be refused unless an employer could be shown to be actively discriminating against union members. Opportunity for a revision of the principles applicable in preference cases arose with the passage of the 1947 amendments to the Conciliation and Arbitration Act. However, the impact of these amendments was to all intents and purposes negated by the High Court's decisions in R. v. Wallis and R. v Findlay. A disinclination to revise past practice in preference cases and to take a more expansive approach to the issue led to the complete demise of federal union interest in preference awards by the late 1960s.


2016 ◽  
pp. 245-290
Author(s):  
Kjeld Jakobsen

Como manera de aportar a una reflexión sobre los posibles caminos que se pueden abrir en Colombia, luego de la firma del Acuerdo de Paz entre el Gobierno y las Farc-EP, y la apertura de negociaciones de paz entre el mismo gobierno y el ELN, el presente artículo examina los procesos de paz y transición a la democracia en diez países de Centro, Sur América y Sudáfrica. Se parte de un análisis que prioriza el rol de los movimientos sindicales en los procesos de cada uno de estos países, análisis que se configura como forma de ofrecer una reflexión para el propio movimiento sindical colombiano. Esta propuesta es relevante en la medida que dicho movimiento aún se encuentra deliberando sobre cómo influir en la implementación de los Acuerdos de la Habana, ya que estos traen consigo mejorarías en las relaciones laborales, en beneficio al ejercicio de las libertades sindicales y los demás derechos laborales. A partir del análisis comparativo de estos diez casos, se pretende argumentar que, a pesar de la notable heterogeneidad de los procesos, ninguno logró transformar el modelo político económico dominante y solo en Sudáfrica se pudo elegir un gobierno de izquierda en el transcurso de las transiciones democráticas. Del mismo modo en que solo en Perú hubo participación directa, aunque limitada, del movimiento sindical en la transición democrática.Palabras clave: Transición democrática, autoritarismo, movimiento sindical, dictaduras, comisión de la verdad, derechos humanos, libertades sindicales. AbstractInternational Experiences of Peace Processes and Transition to Democracy: The Impact of the Trade Union MovementAs a means of reflecting on the possible paths that could open up in Colombia, after the signing of the Peace Accords between the Colombian government and Las FARC, and the formal opening of Peace negotiations with the ELN, this article examines the peace processes and democratic transitions that took place in ten countries (in Central and South America, and in South Africa). The article gives special attention to examining the role of the trade union movements in each of these processes, in particular to contrast with the Colombian union movement, at a time when this actor is still deliberating as to how best it can influence the implementation of the Havana Peace Accords in a way which helps improve labor relations and the protection of union and other labor rights. Based on the comparative analysis of these ten cases, the author argues that despite the vast heterogeneity of each process, not one peace process managed to transform the dominant political-economic model, and only in South Africa was a leftist government elected during the democratic transitions. Furthermore, only in Peru was there a direct participation of the union movement in the democratic transition, although limited.Key words: Democratic transition, authoritarianism, trade union movement, dictatorships, Truth Commission, Human Rights, union freedoms.   


10.1068/d260t ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 669-691 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ravi Arvind Palat

In casting Asia as Europe's ‘Other’, it is often assumed that European spatial imaginaries are unproblematically assimilated by the peoples of Asia themselves. In this paper I challenge this assumption by charting the changing characterization of India, from being virtually synonymous with Asia for centuries to being virtually excluded from the reigning conceptions of Asia. I provide a thumbnail sketch of the spatial imaginaries of some of the peoples inhabiting the cartographic quadrant labeled ‘Asia‘. Against this background, I examine how these imaginaries were subverted by the incorporation of Asia within the capitalist world system. I then chart the impact of modernization theories on the newly independent states of the region. I argue that as several major centers of capital accumulation emerged in Asia, and capitalism ceased to be a Euro-American narrative, a new conception of Asia emerged in the 1980s. If India's lack of industrial development marginalized it from these imaginaries, it is suggested that the meltdown of the Asian ‘miracles' has once again destabilized hitherto-dominant conceptions of Asia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (2018) ◽  
pp. 155-160
Author(s):  
Simona Mina

Trade union movement in Romania is mostly oriented on actions by reaction type, and the decrease of the impact of trade unionism would be generated by the fact that, for various reasons, these reactions are emptied of content, and are simple reflexes of mobilizing structures now deprived of their engine: the political action. My thesis is that already long enough, Romanian unionism preferred the participation in the construction of policies in areas of interest, against the old social reaction and trade union struggle. Unions should be transformed into some important social actors, who are establishing social rules regarding civil society. This should be an important way for eliminating the gap of power between employers and employees.


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