A Russian Perspective on Global Governance

Author(s):  
Elena Belokurova

This chapter examines how dominant political and academic discourses in Russia consider global governance, the respective roles played in this picture by policies of hard and soft power, and the role played by the values, culture, and internal policies of the current Russian regime. Special attention is paid to the transformation of Russia’s relations with the West, its own Eurasian regional integration project, and other attempts to build an alternative global governance vision. Given the particularly dynamic development of Russian foreign policies, recent history of the Russian foreign policy is examined, as well as the cultural and traditional justifications provided by Russian politicians for its foreign policy.

Author(s):  
Natalia V. Kuznetsova ◽  

Introduction. The sacred nature of power is one of the main features of the empire. Since ancient times in the Chinese state the sacralization of power is presented in the religious-philosophical doctrine of the Emperor as the Son of Heaven who rules the Celestial Empire. This doctrine differs from the Sinocentrism conception in its understanding of the nature of power. Goals. The present paper examines foreign policy of the Qing Empire towards the Dzungar state and the Kazakhs with due regard of the manifestation of the sacred nature of power in foreign policies conducted by the Chinese government. The article also addresses the issue of the number of Oirats slaughtered by the Qing Empire. Materials. The research analyzes scientific works on the history of the Qing Empire, Chinese-Kazakh, Chinese-Oirat, Kazakh-Oirat relations, as well as published Chinese sources. Results. The paper shows that the sacral nature of power in the Qing Empire manifested itself in foreign policy as well. The rulers of the Dzungar state and Kazakh clans became nominal subjects of the Empire without coercion from the Chinese side. And this fact did not oblige them to become real subjects, tributaries. There was a ritual interaction that was beneficial for both sides. If a non-Chinese ruler became a nominal subject of Bogdykhan, the Empire showed soft power in relation to his people. Even in the case of a deliberate violation of its decrees, which happened in the episode of Sino-Kazakh relations under consideration. When the ruler stopped the established interaction and began to contradict the Emperor, the Empire sought to destroy him, like the case with Galdan Boshogtu Khan and his successors.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-150
Author(s):  
Andrey Makarychev

This article offers a new approach to Russian foreign policy under Putin’s presidency as shifting from its ‘soft power’ model to what might be characterized through the prism of biopower. The author discusses the various meanings attached to the concept of attraction, and scrutinises the biopolitical turn in Russia as a domestic phenomenon and as a key element of Russia’s power projection abroad. It is argued that biopolitics as a power instrument can play different roles – it can be a tool to construct Russian national (and simultaneously imperial) identity and to distinguish Russia from the West, and channel for communication with conservative forces across the globe.


2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-46
Author(s):  
Kubilay Arin

When Turkey’s Justice and Development Part (AKP) came to power in 2002, it brought a new strategy to foreign policy. Some scholars ascribed this reorientation to the rise of neo-Ottomanism, others to Islamization, and yet others to a Middle Easternization of foreign policy. All labels have one element in common: They give weight to Islam and Turkey’s imperial past as soft power assetsin the conduct of foreign policy by rejecting secular Kemalism in the country’s diplomacy. The AKP capitalized on Turgut Özal’s neo-Ottomanist foreign policy and Necmettin Erbakan’s multi-dimensional foreign policy by using Turkey’s pivotal geopolitical location to transform it into a global actor. The ongoing Islamic revival has caused the country’s attempted full westernization to slow down. But the West itself is hardly a monolithic bloc, given its own many internal cultural, linguistic,religious, political, and economic differences. I therefore describe Turkey as a “hybrid,” a modern and developing “semi-western” state, and argue that over time it will become ever more “socially conservative.”


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (5(62)) ◽  
pp. 117-140
Author(s):  
David Darchiashvili ◽  
David Bakradze

The article views the geographical area between the EU and Russian borders as a battle space of two, drastically different foreign policy and ideological approaches. The authors argue that in the years since the end of the Cold War, a unique surrogate of former clash of liberal and communist worlds emerged, leading to and underpinning current Hybrid Warfare, underway from Ukraine to Georgia. Its roots lay in the Russian interpretation of the Western attitude towards the East as Neo-colonialist. Relying on the income from its vast energy resources, Russia also tries to develop its version of so called “Soft Power”, used by the West in this region. Though in Russian hands, it is coupled with Moscow’s imperial experiences and resentments, and is becoming a mere element in Hybrid or “non-linear” war. Speaking retrospectively, the Eastern Partnership Initiative of the European Union can be seen as a response to Hybrid threats, posed by Russia against its Western and Southern neighbors. But the question is, whether EU foreign policy initiatives towards this area can and will be efficient and sufficient, if continued to be mostly defensive and limited within Soft Power mechanisms and philosophy, while Russia successfully combines those with traditional Hard Power know-how? The authors argue that in the long run, European or Euro-Atlantic Soft Power tool-kits, spreading Human Rightsbased culture farther in the East, will remain unmatched. But in order to prevail over the Russian revisionist policy here and now, the West, and, particularly, the EU need to re-evaluate traditional foreign policy options and come up with a more drastic combination of Soft/Hard Powers by itself. As the Georgian case shows, the European community should more efficiently use Conditionality and Coercive Diplomacy, combined with clearer messages about partners’ membership perspectives.


Author(s):  
Luis G. Martínez del Campo

In this chapter, I link the creation of the British-Spanish Society (BSS) and the development of soft power strategies in the Western World. I also put the history of the BSS in the context of British-Spanish relations in the 20th Century. Finally, I describe the BSS as one example of those institutions involved in the cultural side of foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Neziha Musaoğlu

Many important changes occurred in the Russian Federation's foreign policy since 2000s with Putin's coming to power. Although the foreign policy is defined as pragmatic during this period, it is in fact ideologically constructed on the basis of the concept of “sovereign democracy.” The concept constitutes in the same time the source of loyalty of the Russian reelpolitik towards the West, especially the USA and of the Russian anti-globalist policies. The aim of this chapter is to analyze the intellectual, normative, and conceptual dimensions of the “sovereign democracy” concept that could serve to conceive the foreign policy practice of the Russian Federation, on the one hand, and on the other hand its dialectical relationships with the West in the era of globalization.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-135
Author(s):  
Andrew M. Akin

An ever-growing body of scholarship on Russian foreign policy focuses attention to redefining concepts such as sovereignty and power. Aggressive and successful Russian foreign policy initiatives in the last decade give urgency and relevancy to such initiatives, from invading Georgia to deploying an aircraft carrier to support ground operations in Syria. While these proactive Russian foreign policies may characterize a reclamation of Russia’s great power status in the international community, I argue that the goal of Russia’s foreign policy is to create a new system, not beholden to the u.s.-led Western world. By undermining the legitimacy of Western style democracy and pushing the boundaries of existing norms in the international community, Russian President Vladimir Putin offers a new construct for international relations: the polycentric world order. Using Role Theory, I discuss the domestic and international pressures on the Russian state to create its identity and the evolution of Russian roles in previous international systems. Formal leader statements and official policy documents provide evidence of the changing roles Russia plays in the international arena, while role theory provides an explanatory context for the purpose of new Russian foreign policy.


2009 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 103-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pınar Bilgin

AbstractHow are Turkey's insecurities relevant to the analysis of its international relations? While it is interesting to look at how particular security concerns have affected Turkey's foreign policies at various moments in history, this article will take a different route. Following the distinction that David Campbell has drawn between “Foreign Policy” (through which others are rendered “foreign) and “foreign policy” (through which relations with others are managed), the article will explore how Turkey's insecurities have shaped a Foreign Policy that rests on the West/non-West divide. While the literature has analyzed specific acts of foreign policy and how they were crafted in response to specific military insecurities, the role that Turkey's non-military and non-specific insecurities have played in shaping its international relations has remained understudied. Thus, the literature has not been able to fully account for the centrality of Turkey's western orientation to its security. The argument here proceeds in three steps: First, the article draws attention to the necessity of looking at non-material as well as material insecurities in designing research on foreign policy. Second, it illustrates this necessity by focusing on the case of Turkey's foreign policy. Thirdly, in view of this second point the article highlights the centrality of Turkey's western orientation (i.e., its Foreign Policy) to its security, more persuasively than studies that exclusively focus on the material aspects of security.


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