Political Implication of Presidential System Practice in The Jokowi-JK Government

This study focuses on the political implications of the presidential system practice in the Jokowi-JK government. Constitutionally, the Indonesian government system adheres to a presidential system. However, there is a system confusion in practice that causes the President's role and position as head of government to be not optimal because his policies are often criticized and even intervened by the DPR. The purpose of this study is to analyze the political implications of the presidential system practice run by Jokowi-JK, using a case study approach and analyzing primary and secondary data. The specification of the research is analytical descriptive with qualitative method. The theories used include presidential theory, party system, coalition, and leadership theory. The study results show that the presidential-parliamentary-style system run by Jokowi-JK has implications for less than optimal decision-making by the President in the preparation of the cabinet and disruption of relations with parliament.

Kinship Politics of Village Government in Lobulayan Sigordang Village West Angkola Districts South Tapanuli Regency

This study aims to find out how kinship politics in village government in Lobulayan Sigordang Village, West Angkola District, South Tapanuli Regency includes the causal factors and patterns of the existence of kinship politics. This research is a case study research using a qualitative descriptive method. Data collection techniques in this study include observation, interviews, and documentation. In determining the research subjects used purposive sampling technique, so in this study the research subjects were the Head of Lobulayan Sigordang Village, Secretary of Lobulayan Sigordang Village, Head of Government Section, Head of Community Section, Head of Financial Affairs, and Head of Planning Affairs. The research data were obtained through observations, interviews, and documentation, then processed and analyzed by first reducing the data then displaying the data in tabular form and the last narrative description drawing conclusions on the findings of the research data. Based on the research that has been done, there is kinship politics in the village government in Lobulayan Sigordang village, the manifestation of kinship politics is seen from the election of village officials who occupy village officials positions that are not based on their abilities or not through a predetermined procedure, but rather based on on consideration of good kinship because of blood ties, marital ties, and clans. The factors behind kinship politics in Lobulayan Sigordang village are: low level of education, assessing that kinship politics is not a wrong thing, and feelings of not being betrayed by family or relatives in running the village government.

Tunisia risks extended political uncertainty

Significance Such a move was expected after Saied last month declared an indefinite extension to exceptional measures imposed in July, which effectively gave him total control over the state. Parliament remains suspended, while no new head of government has been appointed and key ministries are headed by ‘interim’ figures. Impacts The president’s reliance on an unreformed security sector to consolidate power will lead to growing authoritarianism. Citizens may welcome prosecutions of businessmen and politicians, but the opacity of the process risks alienating investors. Saied’s low prioritisation of securing a new IMF loan may force him into accepting support from Gulf states (with political conditions).

Does Power Always Flow to the Executive? Interbranch Oscillations in Legislative Authority, 1976–2014

Is legislative power flowing to the executive branch over time? Beginning in the 1990s, comparativists began to investigate delegation to the executive under different executive formats. Hypothesized causes include collective action problems due to legislative fractionalization, the presence of a dominant pro-executive faction, preference congruence vis-à-vis the head of government, and challenges posed by economic crises. We test these four hypotheses on a data set containing 2,020 country-year observations of democracies and semi-democracies between 1976 and 2014. Using V-Dem data, we derive annualized measures of shifts in executive–legislative relationships. Contrary to stereotypes of executive dominance, relative gains by legislatures are no less frequent than gains by executives, and economic crises do not advantage political executives in consistent ways. Surprisingly, some of the factors expected to benefit executives seem to enhance assembly authority as well. Robust democracy maintains interbranch power relations in equilibrium, while lower levels of polyarchy are associated with greater ‘noise’ in the relationship.

Policy Communication and the Solidity of the Jokowi's Second Term Coalition in Handling Covid-19

The impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, which has had a major impact on people's lives, has prompted the president and his cabinet members to respond with various policy stimuli. This study wants to see the solidity of the president's assistants in responding to President Jokowi's general policies in dealing with the Covid-19 pandemic and analyze the causes of the ineffectiveness of policies taken with an applied communication approach the policy field. By using the literature study method, this research finds that the implementation of policies made by the president's assistants is not in line with the wishes of the president as the Head of Government. This is probably due to the political power dynamics contained in the Jokowi's second term coalition members. In addition, the interests of coalition members may impact the process and decision-making of a policy. The results of this study recommend that the government strengthen the role of the structure in charge of managing and ensuring that the policies taken by the president's assistants in handling Covid-19 are in line with the president's wishes. Furthermore, it is necessary to communicate the policy to all stakeholders involved in the policy process so that the policies taken in handling Covid-19 do not represent the political interests of coalition members. In addition, to maintain the solidity of the coalition cabinet in handling Covid-19, the positions of cabinet members involved in the policy implementation process must submit to the power of the President as Head of Government.

SISTEM PEMERINTAHAN PRESIDENSIAL DI INDONESIA PRESPEKTIF FIQH SIYASAH DUSTURIYAH

This study discusses the review of Islamic Constitutional Law on presidential government systems in Indonesia. This type of research is library research in which materials are collected through books, laws and journals related to research. The method used is a normative legal research method. Theories used are power theory, authority theory, trias politica theory and tanfidziyyah sulthah theory. From the results of the research conducted by the author, it can be concluded that based on the Indonesian constitution namely the 1945 Constitution in Article 4 paragraph (1) the power of the President includes executive, legislative and judicial powers. In a presidential government system the President is not only the head of state but also the head of government. Based on the Sulfah tanfidziyyah review of the power of the head of state in the presidential system in Indonesia, namely the power of the head of state in the presidential government system does not conflict with Islamic governance and Islamic law because in the Fiqh Siyasah Dusturiyah or the Khalifah Islamic State Constitutional Law covers all power, both as head of state, head of state government, legislature, judiciary and head of religion. It's just that presidential power in the Presidential system does not include as head of religion.

A Comparative Corpus-Based Content Analysis of Head of Government Addresses in Response to the Covid-19 Pandemic: Japan and Western Countries

Addresses made by heads of government reflect their views and opinions. This article presents a quantitative content analysis of public addresses made by heads of government of the five countries, namely Japan, the USA, New Zealand, Germany, and Slovenia, which were done in response to the novel coronavirus (Covid-19). Word frequency analysis and hierarchical cluster analysis were used to identify the content specifics of these addresses. The comparative analysis of speeches concerning the novel coronavirus enables us to determine how these addresses reflect the speakers’ perspectives and political orientation and what they attempted to convey to the public.

Albania Between the Crisis of the Parliamentary Dialectic and the Dominant Role of the Government

The last years of Albanian parliamentary life were marked by a profound crisis. The parliament, not only had the task of managing a constitutional reform that brought the entire judicial system to its knees, transforming the vetting process into a reform with uncertain results, but also the political crisis, or rather the political-institutional stalemate for leaving the mandates of opposition parliamentarians.The failure to reach the quorum provided by the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, it raises considerable controversy over the legitimacy of the supreme authority and therefore on the legitimacy of institutions that depend on parliamentary votes, such as the election of constitutional judges. At the same time, when the "united opposition" left parliament, the new opposition was trying to keep up with parliamentary dialectics. Moreover, in recent years of parliamentary "identity crisis", the majority have resembled a "group of soldiers" under the command of the Prime Minister. Clearly, Parliament has weakened, lost its value, leading to a strengthening of the executive power, more precisely a strengthening of the figure of the head of government. Without a doubt, the crisis of Parliament translates into an inability of the people's representatives to solve the problems that are present in civil society. Consequently, the crisis of Parliament means a "silent people", a "mute people".The purpose of this document is the constitutional-philosophical analysis of historical memory of the role of Parliament in Albania from the Declaration of Independence to the present day. Perhaps historical memory is the key to reading the present and to better understand the crisis that Albanian Parliament has been going through in recent years. Received: 4 March 2021 / Accepted: 6 May 2021 / Published: 8 July 2021

EXPANDING THE POWERS OF THE TURKEY’S PRESIDENT: NEW LEGAL ORDER AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

The article provides a comparative legal analysis of the articles of the Constitution of Turkey in 1982 and amendments to it in the executive branch, which were submitted to the national referendum of Turkey in 2017. The consequences of the constitutional reform on the further democratic development of Turkey are analyzed, as well as the possible transformation of Turkey into a country with an authoritarian form of government. The article examines the work of Turkish and foreign researchers on the impact of the new political system on the independence of all branches of government, and analyzes the international legal position of the European Union on constitutional changes in the context of fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria for Turkey’s membership in the European Union and the possibility of closing negotiations on Turkey’s accession to the European Union. It is stated that under the 1982 constitution, Turkey was a parliamentary republic in which real power belonged to the head of government, and the country’s president performed mainly representative functions. The latest amendments to Turkey’s basic law were made after a referendum on September 12, 2010 to bring it in line with European Union standards. The referendum began the demilitarization of the 1982 constitution and changed the foundations of Turkish statehood, laid in the 1920s by the founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. In particular, the influence of the army on the political and social life of the country has decreased. It is said that by applying draconian laws and judicial repression the President seeks to reduce the influence of the democratic opposition, which will not have the courage or ability to challenge the growing authoritarianism in the country. For this reason, the party’s legal regime combines the full subordination of the judiciary to the executive with a combination of strategies to use judicial repression to demobilize all sources of opposition and to suppress any possible alternatives within the current political bloc.

Military Coup in Burma Draws International Condemnation and Pressure

On February 1, 2021, the military in Burma overthrew the democratically elected government, declared a one-year state of emergency, and installed Senior General Min Aung Hlaing as the head of government. Since the coup, the military has cracked down on protestors, killing over 800 people and detaining many more. Numerous countries and international organizations, including the United States and the United Nations, have condemned the coup and ensuing violence and called for the restoration of a democratic government. The United States and other countries have also imposed rigorous sanctions on the Burmese military, its officials and affiliated corporations, and social media companies have imposed content restrictions to prevent the spread of pro-military propaganda.