Towards Stalemate

1652 ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 119-170
Author(s):  
David Parrott

Following Bléneau, Condé returned to Paris to consolidate relations with his allies, and to open negotiations with the crown. His main army was established to the south of Paris, at Étampes. But after a devastating surprise attack, these troops were blockaded in the town by Turenne’s royalist forces, and the tide of war seemed to be flowing in the direction of the crown. However, Condé’s ability to enlist the support of Charles of Lorraine’s freebooting army to march into France and towards Étampes rendered Turenne’s blockade unsustainable. Condé’s army moved into the western suburbs of Paris, where the military situation once again weakened as Lorraine made a treaty with Mazarin to withdraw his forces from France. In a crucial miscalculation, Condé sought to reposition his army to the eastern side of Paris, and in the process ran into Turenne’s main royalist force. Trapped outside the walls of Paris in the Faubourg St-Antoine, Condé fought against heavy odds, and was saved from defeat only by the Parisian decision to open the gates to allow the remnants of his army to pass into the city. Demoralized by this snatching away of victory, the royal court’s disappointment turned to panic as it received news that Condé’s alliance with the Spanish had brought a major Spanish army into Champagne, seemingly marching on Paris. Believing that securing a settlement with Condé was now imperative, Mazarin and the crown’s ministers moved to propose a second exile for Mazarin. Mazarin left the court for the frontier on 19 August.

1917 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 150-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur Holmes ◽  
H. F. Harwood

Almost due west of Mozambique Island, at a distance of about forty-two miles from the sea, the military road from Mosuril to Nampula crosses the Ampwihi River, an important tributary of the Monapo. During the dry season the stream is reduced to a string of stagnant pools, separated by long reaches of sand and gravel that here and there are interrupted by outcrops of the underlying formations. Throughout the greater part of its course the Ampwihi flows through a region in which gneisses persist with monotonous regularity, the only variation being that due to occasional intrusions of granite and of still later pegmatite dykes. At the point where the military road crosses the narrow channel a welcome diversion is introduced by the presence of a dark compact dyke about 10 feet in thickness. The dyke appears on the right-hand bank and crosses obliquely to the other side, taking a N.N.W.–S.S.E. course across the strike of the older rocks. Upstream, about seventy yards to the south-east, the Ampwihi bends to the south-west, so that it returns towards the dyke, which is again exposed across its sandy floor. The dyke was traced by Mr. E. J. Wayland in July, 1911, for a distance of altogether 200 yards, and was examined by Mr. D. Alex. Wray and later by myself during the same year. It is clearly the latest rock of the district, and is intruded along a line of fault, for in two cases pegmatite dykes seen on the eastern side are broken across and reappear on the western side with a well-marked northerly displacement.


2021 ◽  
pp. 109-136
Author(s):  
Daniel-Joseph MacArthur-Seal

The chapter investigates how the incorporation of Alexandria, Thessaloniki, and Istanbul into the Allies’ military logistical network posed a set of challenges whose answer seemed to be the militarization of urban space. It explores how soldiers contrasted the rapid development of the military camps to which they were dispatch on arrival with the supposed stagnation of the cities they orbited. Military authorities responded to this dichotomy by attempting to both segregate the camp, through restricting the interaction of soldiers and local civilians, and to harmonize the city with military standards, introducing new rules and regulations managing urban space and circulation. The chapter concludes by examining the military antecedents to the town plans created for Alexandria and Thessaloniki that followed wartime occupation.


Archaeologia ◽  
1803 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 119-131
Author(s):  
Edmund Turnor

The great importance of Bristol, as the second city in the kingdom,—its situation commanding at once the rich county of Somerset, and the chief entrance into Wales, rendered the conquest of it of the utmost consequence to both king and parliament, whose spirits, during their unhappy contests, were alternately elated or depressed as either party succeeded in the siege, or failed in the defence of the town. But the great extension of commerce, and the consequent increase of population, have so much enlarged the circuit of Bristol, that what was only an inconsiderable suburb in the time of Charles the first, is now become a new town, extending over, and in a great measure defacing, the lines of fortification which formed the outworks of the city. An attempt, however, to preserve some idea of the remaining military vestiges, as exhibited by letters patent under the great seal of England, and sign manual of Charles the First, conferring the office of treasurer of the garrison on an ancestor of the author of this communication, may not be foreign to the views of the Society.


Author(s):  
F. Mariano ◽  
M. Saracco ◽  
L. Petetta

Built in the years between 1915 and 1918, and located on the west bank of the “Varano” Lake, a bay running along the village of “Cagnano Varano”, the “Ivo Monti” seaplane base was erected on a pre-existing medieval settlement which belonged to the Benedictine Monks from the town of “San Nicola Imbuti”. <br><br> During WWI, this seaplane base was turned, from a simple water airport, into a strategic military base for floatplanes. As a matter of fact, the large lagoon could be used as landing spot for the planes sent off to patrol the dalmatic coast, one of the historical regions of Croatia, then controlled by the Austrians. <br><br> After WWI, after the seaplane became an outdated technology, the “Ivo Monti” base was progressively dismantled and then totally abandoned at the beginning of the 1950s. <br><br> In 2014, considering the historical relevance of this site and the unmistakable architectural value of its elements, a research framework agreement was signed between the “DICEA” Department of Marche Polytechnic University and the city council of the town hosting the site, aimed at the development of shared scientific research projects revolving around the study, the valorisation, and the restoration of the military complex in question, which had been in a complete state of decay and neglect for too long. <br><br> The still ongoing research project mentioned presents two main missions: the first is the historical reconstruction, the geometric mapping, and the robustness analysis of the ruins, by studying and faithfully representing the state of deterioration of the building materials and of the facilities; the second is the identification and the testing of potential architectural solutions for the conversion and the reuse of the site and of its facilities.


X ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federica Carta ◽  
Diego Ros McDonnell ◽  
Pedro Enrique Collado Espejo

The Atalaya Castle (eighteenth century), in Cartagena (Region of Murcia, Spain). Formal and constructive analysisThe Atalaya Castle (eighteenth century) is one of the military fortifications that were part of the defense of Cartagena. The defensive system of the period was composed of an important walled enclosure, which surrounded the city, the arsenal, and a group of fortresses outside the city wall, located on the nearby hills. One of these defensive constructions is the Atalaya Castle or Fort, located to the west of the city from its position it protected the population from attacks both by land and by sea. To the north and west by land, through the Almarjal and the Pelayo mountains, the south by sea covered the possible landings in the bays of the Algameca Grande and the Algameca Chica. The building is a magnificently construction, the fort has a pentagon ground plan with five bastions at each angle. It has an interior building in U arranged on a solid bastioned platform the whole complex is surrounded by a dry moat. The fortification present certain formal elements used in other constructions that had been lifted in the city at that time, circumstance gave unity to the whole. The materials consisted of employed mainly stone and brick, the constructive elements introduce certain heterogeneity. The purpose of the communication is to present the results of the comprehensive analysis carried out in the Atalaya Castle as well as to contribute, through its dissemination to raise awareness of the need for its restoration and enhancement. Research has studied the characteristics of the formal and constructive system of the fortification currently in a state of semiabandonment, a proposal has also been conducted for a new cultural use as a guarantee of its correct recovery and conservation.


1961 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 25-52
Author(s):  
J. B. Ward-Perkins

About the internal topography of the Etruscan city we know sadly little. That it was very largely determined by the natural configuration of the ground there is little room for doubt. It is true that on the Piazza d'Armi Stefani found what may have been an open square with a straight street leading out of one corner of it and a second street running for a short distance at right angles to it. But the regularity of plan extends only a very short distance back from the main façade, and it bears all the marks of being a later rationalisation of an existing irregular plan; nor is there any suggestion of a regular layout elsewhere in the city. The main lines of the street-plan are clear enough, and these indicate a radial layout, with the city-centre occupying roughly the same site as the centre of the Roman town. This was, and still is, the natural focus of the plateau. Here the crest divides into two distinct ridges, the southern one running the full length of the promontory, right down to the Piazza d'Armi, the northern one bearing off to the left and then swinging right again towards the modern Casale Cabrioli, ending on the cliffs overlooking the Fosso della Valchetta, opposite the Vacchereccia tumulus. The layout of the south-eastern part of the town was very largely determined by the course of the roads which followed these two ridges and of a third road which probably ran down the bottom of the valley between them. Two other roads, those from the Formello and the Millstream Gates, converge directly on the centre, and that from the Capena Gate joined the northern ridge-road about 500 m. to the east. The Caere road probably joined the axial road some distance to the west of the centre.


1740 ◽  
Vol 41 (461) ◽  
pp. 839-840
Keyword(s):  
The City ◽  

On Sunday evening, March 18. 1738-9. about half an hour past seven, the sky to the north was very clear, and the stars shone bright; to the south and south-east, as I was in the skirt of the town on the north-west side, the sky looked obscured, partly from a mist, partly from the smoak of the city.


1856 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 54-58
Author(s):  
T. T. Meadows

The place used as the execution – ground at Canton is in the southern suburbs, about midway between the forts known to foreigners as the Dutch and French “Follies.” It is, however, some distance back from the river, being about halfway between the southern wall of the city, running parallel to the river, and the latter; distant from each 120 or 130 yards in a straight line. There is no street leading directly to it either from the river or the city. There is a dense population all around, composed, towards the north and west, of the inmates ef shops and dwellings, respectable in its immediate neighbourhood, and getting more wealthy as the foreign factories (distant about a mile) are approached. To the south and east the suburb is, generally speaking, poor, inhabited by low and even criminal classes. The execution-ground itself is a short thoroughfare or lane, running north and south, about fifty yards in length, eight yards in breadth at its northern end, and gradually narrowing to five yards at its southern extremity, where the projection of a house-corner reduces it to a mere passage of one yard and a half in width, and five in length. At the end of this latter is a high strong door, closed and guarded during executions. The eastern side of the ground is bounded in its whole length by a dead brick wall, of about twelve feet high, forming the back of some dwellings or small warehouses.


1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cynthia F. Behrman

In February of 1885 news was flashed to England from Egypt that General Gordon was dead, stabbed by an Arab spear as the hordes of the Mahdi were overrunning the city of Khartoum in the Sudan. Dead he certainly was and nothing could resurrect him, and yet he has survived in the pages of biography, in the comments of the press, and in the mythology of culture. His “after-life” reveals some interesting facts about the nature of hero-worship and the role heroes play in the ethos of a national people and their self-image.Charles George Gordon was born in January, 1833, the second son of a military family. He was trained for the military, too, became a Royal Engineer, and fought in the Crimean War. He saw service in Turkey, and then was sent to China where he gained fame in the suppression of the Taiping rebellion against the Manchu Empire in 1864, earning the nickname of “Chinese Gordon” at home and a Companion of the Bath from a grateful English government. The next six years he spent in service at Gravesend, constructing defensive fortifications, and devoting much of his time to rehabilitative work with the poor street boys of the town. Another six years he spent in Equatorial Sudan in an unsuccessful struggle to eliminate the slave trade. A brief period as Secretary to Lord Ripon, Viceroy of India, was followed by service in Mauritius, and fighting against the Basuto uprising in South Africa for the Cape Government. The penultimate year of his life he wandered in the Holy Land, and finally he answered the call to return to the Sudan, which was threatened by the revolt of Mohammed Ahmed, the Mahdi.


1883 ◽  
Vol 36 (228-231) ◽  
pp. 426-434

Antisana is a much loftier and grander mountain than Pichincha, for its summit rises to an elevation of about 19,000 feet above the sea, and the upper part of the mountain (some 4,000 feet) is covered with snow and glaciers. The crevasses on the latter are described by Mr. Whymper as being of an enormous size, probably the largest he had ever seen, and on his first attempt to ascend the peak he was prevented from reaching the summit by chasms and cliffs of ice, among which his party, in consequence of the mists, had become entangled. A second attempt proved successful, but the snowy summit of Antisana is evidently not one likely to be reached by unpractised mountaineers. The mountain is situated slightly to the south of the equator, to the east-south-east of the city of Quito, and nearly due east of the town of Machachi. “The extent of ground covered by Antisana,” according to Mr. Whymper, “is, perhaps, as great as that covered by any of the Ecuadorian Andes, and more than is occupied by most of them. From north to south it extends over more than 20 miles of country, and not much, if at all, less from east to west. From most points of view at a distance, the mountain in form appears more like a ridge than a single summit. A close approach on the western side shows that this appearance is somewhat misleading, and that Antisana has two principal summits, the larger and higher being an immense snowy flat-topped boss, and the second (not less than 1,500 feet lower than the other) a sharp peak, which is probably at all times completely inaccessible.”


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