My West Bank Discovery

2018 ◽  
pp. 17-25
Author(s):  
Max Abrahms
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Preliminary Evidence ◽  
The West ◽  
Common Assumption ◽  
Empirical Basis ◽  
Strategic Model ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
Political Effectiveness ◽  
Government Concessions

This chapter presents some preliminary evidence that terrorism does not pay politically in terms of pressuring government concessions. The author first came to this realization in the West Bank during the Second Intifada, when Palestinian terrorism backfired politically. His experience in the West Bank led the author to question and then probe whether terrorism helps the perpetrators to redress their grievances, as proponents of the Strategic Model assume. Although many scholars believe that groups turn to terrorism because of its political effectiveness, the author shows that this common assumption rests on a shaky empirical basis. His evidence that terrorism is a losing political tactic lays the basis for Rule #1 in the book—that aggrieved groups should refrain from targeting civilians.

Rising Cost of Occupation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Assaf Razin
Keyword(s):  
Global Economy ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Political Units ◽  
Israeli Economy

Since 1967 when Israel when the West Bank and Gaza Strip occupation begun, there has been increasingly taxing social-economic effects on Israel. The second uprising broke out after the collapse of the OSLO agreements, in the early 2002. The Israeli economy was hit twice. It was first hit by the dotcom crash in the US; second, by the 2000-2005 Palestinian . The drastic effects on the Palestinian economy which shortly after split in to two political units (the West bank, controlled by the Palestinian Authority, and the Gaza Strip controlled by Hamas). Especially the Gaza strip economy got down to the level of humanitarian crisis. that the early 2000s shock had relatively small effect on the long-term trajectory of Israel's real GDP. The effect on the Israeli economy of the second Intifada shock was mild, and short-lived. globalization proved to be a “shield” against the Palestinian-Israeli military conflicts and regional trade obstacles for the Israeli economy. This means, that the Israeli economy is exposed, however, to alarming long run risks. If, and when, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the long occupation of the of the West Bank territory would trigger political conflicts between Israel and its trade-and-finance partners, this “shield”, provided by Israel high level of integration with the global economy, may break down.

Israel’s Policy in and toward the West Bank and the Gaza Strip

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oren Barak
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Formative Period ◽  
The West ◽  
Cumulative Impact ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
Political Security ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
East Jerusalem

This chapter discusses Israel’s policy in and toward the West Bank (and East Jerusalem) and the Gaza Strip from the Six-Day War (1967), when Israel occupied these areas, to the present. Although the focus here is on the political-security realm, other spheres (e.g., economic, social, and cultural-discursive) are also addressed. The first part of the chapter discusses Israel’s policy in and vis-à-vis the Territories in the first decade after 1967, which in retrospect was the policy’s formative period. It then examines the four decades that followed, identifying elements of continuity and change in Israel’s policy. This is followed by a discussion of the major challenges to Israel’s policy since 1967: the first Palestinian intifada, the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, the second intifada, and Israel’s withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. The concluding section tries to assess the cumulative impact of Israel’s policy in and toward the Territories.

Israel’s Policy in and toward the West Bank and the Gaza Strip

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oren Barak
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Formative Period ◽  
The West ◽  
Cumulative Impact ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
Political Security ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
East Jerusalem

This chapter discusses Israel’s policy in and toward the West Bank (and East Jerusalem) and the Gaza Strip from the Six-Day War (1967), when Israel occupied these areas, to the present. Although the focus here is on the political-security realm, other spheres (e.g., economic, social, and cultural-discursive) are also addressed. The first part of the chapter discusses Israel’s policy in and vis-à-vis the Territories in the first decade after 1967, which in retrospect was the policy’s formative period. It then examines the four decades that followed, identifying elements of continuity and change in Israel’s policy. This is followed by a discussion of the major challenges to Israel’s policy since 1967: the first Palestinian intifada, the Israeli–Palestinian peace process, the second intifada, and Israel’s withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. The concluding section tries to assess the cumulative impact of Israel’s policy in and toward the Territories.

Conflict Intensity and Birth Outcomes – Evidence from the West Bank

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hendrik Jürges ◽  
Franz G. Westermaier
Keyword(s):  
Birth Weight ◽  
Birth Outcomes ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Economic Stress ◽  
Violent Conflict ◽  
The West ◽  
Average Birth Weight ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
Conflict Intensity ◽  
Pregnant Mothers

AbstractThis study uses data collected in the West Bank to study the effect of intrauterine exposure to conflict during the Second Intifada on birth weight. We use the number of fatalities in a locality of residence during pregnancy as an instantaneous measure of local conflict intensity. Conditional on experiencing any fatality, pregnant mothers were exposed to 11 fatalities on average, which was related to a reduction in average birth weight of about 20 g (or 3 % of a standard deviation). Although the estimated reductions are only significant for boys. Our results are consistent with the notion that violent conflict triggers prenatal psychological or economic stress in pregnant women, which in turn harms unborn children.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document