scholarly journals Citizens and Soldiers in Archaic Athens

Author(s):  
Hans van Wees

A reconsideration of the precise nature and extent of the military obligations of citizens in classical Athens reveals that under Athens’ democratic regime these obligations were relatively limited and not systematically enforced. The relevant classical legislation, later historical tradition, and some contemporary archaic evidence are combined to show that in archaic Athens, by contrast, formal military obligations were more extensive and more stringently enforced, but applied only to the leisured elite. The bulk of the working population was also obliged to serve, but only in ‘general levies’, with whatever arms and armour they could afford. This system was fully developed already under Solon and remained in operation until the late fifth century BC, when social and economic changes and the exceptional strain of the Peloponnesian War caused it to be abandoned.

1990 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 91-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. G. Spence

Given the increasing interest in ancient military history it seems timely to set Perikles' Peloponnesian War policy of avoiding major land battles in the context of the military options available and how these worked in practice. I should, however, sound one note of caution from the start. My discussion (especially sections I and II) represents a modern assessment of the defence strategies and options available to Athens in 431. While Perikles and his successors undoubtedly considered how best to fight the war, it would be misleading to even imply that their thought processes involved conducting an analysis anywhere near as sophisticated as the one which follows. Quite simply they lacked the theoretical concepts and even the technical vocabulary to do so. There was no history or tradition of staff college appreciations in fifth century Athens and no body of technical or theoretical military literature, and it seems clear that even experienced and successful commanders did not look at war with the same sort of theoretical constructs which we take for granted today.


1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. T. Wade-Gery

This paper is (as will be sufficiently evident) a by-product of two systematic inquiries: one into the Strategia and Strategoi of the fifth century, the other into the military expenditure during the Peloponnesian War. The two inquiries cannot be kept distinct, and both have largely to depend on a minute study of the financial inscriptions.


Mnemosyne ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 57 (6) ◽  
pp. 657-681 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Willi

AbstractThe Old Persian line in Aristophanes' Acharnians (100) is commonly believed to contain nothing but comic gibberish. Against this view, it is argued here that a responsible reconstruction of an Old Persian original is possible if one takes into account what we nowadays know about late fifth-century Old Persian. Moreover, the result, whose central element is the Persian verb for 'writing',fits in with both general considerations on linguistic realism in drama and the historical reality of diplomatic interaction between Greece and Persia during the Peloponnesian War.


1981 ◽  
Vol 101 ◽  
pp. 78-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold B. Mattingly

The American excavators in the south-west area of the Forum at Corinth have revealed an intriguing architectural complex, which they have called the ‘Punic Amphora Building’. Evidently it housed a thriving import business with a speciality in fish and wine, whose trade extended in one direction to Sicily and perhaps Spain and in the other to Chalkidike and Chios. Masses of fragments of Punic and Chian amphoras were found crushed and pounded in the make-up of successive floor-levels in the courtyard, together with numerous pieces from Mende and elsewhere. Many others emerged from the single floors of most of the rooms or were discovered in the littered debris from the final phase of occupation. The life of this business house was somewhat short, but a domestic building on the same site had earlier been partly devoted to the same trade. All this activity ceased with dramatic suddenness; the emporium went out of use and in the late fifth century it was overlaid in one area by a new road. The end seems to be securely dated c. 430 B.C. by Attic black-glaze pottery in the final floor-level or in the debris covering the last floor. Professor Williams plausibly links the collapse of business with the interruption of Corinth's trade caused by the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War: one of Athens' first war measures was to blockade both the Saronic and the Corinthian Gulfs. This new material evidence for Corinthian commerce is most welcome in itself and, as I hope to show in this paper, it may help clarify other problems.


2022 ◽  
pp. 142-152
Author(s):  
Vicent Martines

This chapter deals with some of the dangers of the “pandemic” of tyranny that can be made worse during a time of a medical pandemic. In any event, it can result in an attempt to subvert a democratic regime towards more conservative and reactionary political forms. The author studies the case of the Thirty Tyrants of Athens (a result of Athens´s defeat by Sparta in the Peloponnesian War and after the death of Pericles during the pandemic that decimated Athens when it was sieged by Sparta) who substituted democracy with an oligarchy. A fierce repression ensued in which Socrates died, a symbol of the free thought of democratic Athens. The author analyzes the effects of tyranny on people and the Renaissance humanists´ desire to always be vigilant about tyrannical government. He focusses on the civic humanists Francesc Eiximenis (Valencian Kingdom, Crown of Aragon) and Coluccio Salutati (Florence).


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Dmytro Vasylkivskyi ◽  
Serhii Matiukh ◽  
Olha Matviiets ◽  
Ihor Lapshyn ◽  
Vitalina Babenko

The conflict in the Eastern part of Ukraine and the growing geopolitical tensions have had a significant impact on the economy and society of the country. As a result, it deepened the recession and diverged from the planned development indicators. In particular, this concerns international reserves of the National Bank of Ukraine and the country's budget deficit. Multilateral economic changes, exacerbated by the impact of hostilities in the Eastern part of the country have transformed the structure of socio-demographic processes in Ukraine. Armed confrontation causes a continuous deterioration of demographic and economic indicators of development not only of Donetsk and Luhansk regions, but also has an impact on the whole country. This confrontation is also accompanied by the loss (destruction, theft, etc.) of public assets. The estimated cost of destroyed components of industrial, communal, social, transport, energy and other infrastructure are indicative due to the inability to inspect objects located within the territory controlled by terrorist groups. The conflict has also affected the investment attractiveness of the country, which accelerates the creation of a depressed nature of country’s development. Therefore, in the context of hostility in the Eastern Ukraine, it is important to understand and study its destabilizing impact, not only on domestic economic and demographic indicators, but also on the volume of foreign investment, which will allow us to understand the level of country’s involvement in the global investment space and the real impact of military action on the population and on international economic affairs of Ukraine. As a result of this scientific research, the population and GDP forecast have been conducted. It is worth noting that the forecast itself based on regression mathematical modelling which includes past data and can be accurate if current conditions are stable in the future.


2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-102
Author(s):  
David M. Pritchard

The armed forces that Athens took into the Peloponnesian War had four distinct corps. The two that have been studied the most are the cavalry corps and the navy. The same level of focus is now paid to the hoplite corps. In contrast to these three branches, the archers continue to be largely unstudied. Indeed, the last dedicated study of this corps was published in 1913. This neglect of the archers by military historians is unjustified. The creation of the archer corps in the late 480sbcwas a significant military innovation. For the rest of the fifth century, Athens constantly deployed archers in a wide range of important combat roles. In the late 430s the state spent as much on them as it did on the cavalry.


1957 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 3-10
Author(s):  
G. T. Griffith

It seems uncertain whether the Macedonian infantrymen of Philip II had breast-plates or not. How much it matters, too, is also perhaps uncertain, though obviously it mattered not a little to the men themselves at the time, whether or not they carried on them that combination of strength and of weight, of moral comfort and physical encumbrance, that a breastplate meant to the man inside it. There may perhaps be something in this question, too, for the social historian as well as for the military specialist.That Greek hoplites of the archaic period normally wore breastplates appears from vase-paintings, especially those proto-Corinthian examples which show combats not of individuals but of opposing phalanxes: it appears, too, from Tyrtaeus. Xenophon in theAnabasis, when he makes a passing remark about casualties on one occasion, gives the same impression about the Ten Thousand, who were predominantly a hoplite force. But breastplates were not uniform. Metal ones could vary greatly in weight, and there were variants (πĩλοι, σπολάδες) that were probably quite light in metal, on linen or leather. It has been suggested with some likelihood that in the fifth century the solid metal type virtually went out of use. If this were so, then the peltasts of the early fourth century would represent a logical development from a hoplite who had already become lighter than of old. It would seem logical for the pekast to have no breastplate at all, an arrangement incidentally that might suit well the mercenaries of the day who often were peltasts, and who were often poor men unlikely to own expensive equipment. But in spite of their occasional spectacular successes even against hoplites, the peltasts did not supersede them, so far as can be seen, in the citizen armies of the Greek cities. Indeed in the Hellenistic period still, in a treaty of about 270 B.C. between the Aetolians and the Acarnanians, the clause providing for reciprocal military aid distinguishes between three classes of infantry: (1) those who wore breastplates (πανοπλίαν), (2) those wore τὸ ἡμιθωράκιον, and (3) those who had no defensive armour (ψιλῲ). The first class is presumably, still, the hoplite.


1992 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-667 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet Hart

That narrative can be more than a mechanical recitation of events is epitomized in Thucydides’ challenge to historiographical paradigms current during the fifth century B.C. In his definitive history of the war between Athens and Sparta, the Athenian general in effect tells a “story” with a beginning, middle, and end. Thucydides’ history of the Peloponnesian War is anything but a neutral description of events. Instead, the collection interprets the conflict for the reader. The tale contains a discussion of the role of alternative military strategies and of the war’s wider political implications. According to Thucydides, the fractionization and polarization engendered by war as a mode of resolving political conflicts is too high a price to pay for victors and losers alike. Thucydides warns of psychic as well as material costs. Thus, the ancient political scientist tells the story of the Peloponnesian War to assert that the “sequences of real events be assessed as to their significance as elements of a moral drama” (White 1987: 21).


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