scholarly journals Global Consequentialism and the Morality and Laws of War

Author(s):  
Hilary Greaves

Rights-based and consequentialist approaches to ethics are often seen as being diametrically opposed to one another. This is entirely understandable, since to say that X has a (moral) right to Y is in part to assert that there are (moral) reasons to provide X with Y even if doing so foreseeably will not lead to better consequences. However, a ‘global’ form of consequentialism raises the possibility of some sort of reconciliation: it could be that the best framework for the regulation of international affairs (say) is one that employs a notion of rights, but if so, that (according to global consequentialism) is the case because regulating international affairs in that manner tends, as a matter of empirical fact, to lead to better consequences. By way of case study, this chapter applies these ideas to a recent dispute about the morality and laws of war, between Jeff McMahan and Henry Shue.

2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 443-465
Author(s):  
Philipp Gisbertz-Astolfi

AbstractThe focus on the moral rights of combatants in the ethics of war ignores a very important point: although morally unjust combatants cannot be considered moral equals to just combatants, especially with regard to the right to kill, there are sound moral reasons why the laws of war should accept a kind of equality between them, a concept referred to as “reduced legal equality.” Reduced legal equality is not about equal moral rights but about granting legal immunity to combatants for their conduct in accordance with the laws of war. This article shows that reduced legal equality of combatants is not only the morally best legal regulation in our nonideal international world but also the correct interpretation of international law.


Daedalus ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 146 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seth Lazar

Modern analytical just war theory starts with Michael Walzer's defense of key tenets of the laws of war in his Just and Unjust Wars. Walzer advocates noncombatant immunity, proportionality, and combatant equality: combatants in war must target only combatants; unintentional harms that they inflict on noncombatants must be proportionate to the military objective secured; and combatants who abide by these principles fight permissibly, regardless of their aims. In recent years, the revisionist school of just war theory, led by Jeff McMahan, has radically undermined Walzer's defense of these principles. This essay situates Walzer's and the revisionists’ arguments, before illustrating the disturbing vision of the morality of war that results from revisionist premises. It concludes by showing how broadly Walzerian conclusions can be defended using more reliable foundations.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juanda

In PP No. 57/2014 has four programs, namely: (1) usage of Indonesia at international forums; (2) development of Indonesia teaching program for foreigner; (3) improvement of linguistic and literary cooperation with foreign institutions; (4) development and empowerment of Indonesia learning centers; (5) other measures in accordance with the provisions of legislation. Language Center has planned “Indonesian Language for Foreigner Program” (ILFP). As organizers of ILFP, Office of International Affairs and Partnerships (OIAP) Yogyakarta State University (YSU) has developed very rapidly. OIAP held four short courses, namely: 1) ILFP for Regular; 2) ILFP for Darmasiswa; 3) ILFP for Transfer Credit; 4) ILFP for Tailor-Made. This research is case study. The subjects are: ON and DSN (Burundi), ARR (Madagascar), AST (Myanmar), AF (Mali), SY and ASI (Thailand), and HO (Nigeria). Diversity will certainly affect the process of acquiring Indonesia language, so bilingual teaching is a rational choice. UNESCO itself supports bilingualism or multilingualism and essential component of intercultural at all levels of education. An article examines the practice of bilingual teaching at ILFP organized by OIAP YSU, such as language ecology.


2012 ◽  
Vol 106 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
LISA BLAYDES ◽  
DREW A. LINZER

The battle for public opinion in the Islamic world is an ongoing priority for U.S. diplomacy. The current debate over why many Muslims hold anti-American views revolves around whether they dislike fundamental aspects of American culture and government, or what Americans do in international affairs. We argue, instead, that Muslim anti-Americanism is predominantly a domestic, elite-led phenomenon that intensifies when there is greater competition between Islamist and secular-nationalist political factions within a country. Although more observant Muslims tend to be more anti-American, paradoxically the most anti-American countries are those in which Muslim populations are less religious overall, and thus more divided on the religious–secular issue dimension. We provide case study evidence consistent with this explanation, as well as a multilevel statistical analysis of public opinion data from nearly 13,000 Muslim respondents in 21 countries.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 688-703 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birte Fähnrich

Science diplomacy is a widely practiced area of international affairs, but academic research is rather sparse. The role of academia within this field of politics–science interaction has hardly been considered. This article analyzes this scholarly perspective: Based on a literature review, a case study of a German science diplomacy program is used to explore objectives, benefits, and constraints of science diplomacy for participating scholars. While political approaches suggest an ideal world where both sides profit from the collaboration, the findings of the case study point to another conclusion which shows that the interaction of scholars and officials in science diplomacy is far more complex. Thus, the contribution is regarded as both a useful starting point for further research and for a critical reflection of academics and politicians in science diplomacy practice to gauge what can be expected from the collaboration and what cannot.


Worldview ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (12) ◽  
pp. 5-8
Author(s):  
Arthur Schlesinger

William James used to say that temperaments determine philosophies. People who respond to international affairs divide temperamentally into two schools: those who see policies as wise or foolish, and those who see them as good or evil. One cannot presume an ultimate metaphysical antagonism here. No person can escape perceptions of good and evil—even Machiavelli counseled the Prince not to forget, when circumstances impelled him to do a bad thing, that he was doing a bad thing—and no policy can wholly divorce political from moral principles. Nor in the impenetrability of human motives can we easily know when the moral reasons are political reasons in disguise (very often the case) or when political reasons are moral reasons in disguise (more frequent than one might think).


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