An Exilic Church

Author(s):  
Jesse A. Zink

The Episcopal Church of South Sudan and Sudan (ECSSS) has been shaped by the experience of exile. A half-century of Anglican mission by the Church Missionary Society produced a Church that was of varied strength across the region. Two lengthy civil wars since Sudan’s independence displaced hundreds of thousands of southern Sudanese and led to Church growth, as refugees turned to Christianity in new ways. This was particularly true of the Dinka, southern Sudan’s largest ethnic group, who had long been uninterested in Christianity. In the midst of civil war in the 1980s and 1990s, Dinka showed new interest in Christianity and the Church exploded with growth. Church hierarchies have been tested by civil war, managing relations with rebel armies and governments, while also working for peace and reconciliation. The challenge for the ECSSS is to move from being a Church of the exiled to a Church of the returned.

2009 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kitambala Lumbu ◽  
Peet Van Dyk ◽  
Alta Van Dyk

Civil war and ethnic violence are major problems in Central Africa and have caused the death and displacement of millions of people over the years. The aim of this study was to investigate the perceptions of religious leaders, lecturers and students in theology at various tertiary institutions in Central Africa with regard to civil war in the region. A structured questionnaire was used to investigate participants� perceptions about and attitudes towards civil war. The questionnaire was completed by 1 364 participants who originated or lived in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Rwanda. The results of the study illustrated the severe effect that civil wars had on the participants or their families and further indicated that Rwandans, Tutsis and males were more inclined toward justifying wars and seeing them as solutions for problems. The role of the Church in countering these perceptions is discussed.


Author(s):  
Rosamund Oates

This book explores Puritanism in Elizabethan and Early Stuart religious politics. Tobie Matthew (c. 1544–1628) was a religious radical at the start of Elizabeth’s reign, yet ended up in a position of great power within the English Church during the tumultuous years leading up to the British Civil Wars. Moderate Radical work provides a new perspective on this period and an insight into the power of conforming Puritanism as a political and cultural force. Matthew’s vision of conformity and godly magistracy brought many Puritans into the Church, but also furnished them with a justification for rebellion when Puritanism was seriously threatened. Through new sources, including Matthew’s annotations of his extensive library and newly discovered sermons, this book explores the guiding principles of Puritanism and explains why the godly promoted the national Church, even when it seemed corrupt. As Archbishop of York, Matthew protected Puritans, but his protection meant there was a rich seam of dissent at the heart of the Church that emerged when the godly found themselves under attack in the 1620s and 1630s. This is a story about the evolution of conforming Puritanism and its significance for the politics of Tudor and Stuart England; it also examines the influence of Puritan cultural practices, in particular the rich culture derived from sermons. This study is also a biography of a leading figure in the Church who struggled to come to terms with his own son’s Catholicism and the disappointments of his family. It provides new insight into tensions of the pre-Civil War Church.


Author(s):  
John Roy Lynch

This chapter details John Roy Lynch's experience when the American Civil War came. Both Mr. and Mrs. Davis had the reputation of being kind to their slaves. It was under Mrs. Davis's tutelage and influence that Lynch became attached to the Protestant Episcopal church and he was to be confirmed and baptized on the bishop's next visit to Natchez, which was to be made the latter part of 1861. But the war broke out in the meantime, the blockade preventing the bishop from reaching Natchez. During and for a long time after the war, Lynch seldom attended services at an Episcopal church, but attended services quite regularly at the colored churches, which were Methodist and Baptist, there being no colored Episcopal church at Natchez. Since slavery had been abolished and Lynch had reached a more mature age, he did not take kindly to the idea of occupying a prescribed seat in a white church. Hence he did not become connected with the church of his youth and choice until late in life.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-17
Author(s):  
Winnifred Bedigen

The South Sudan intermittent conflicts and civil wars have attracted national, regional, and international interventions. Dominated by politically led conventional ideologies of peace approaches that revolve around suppression, negotiation, and mediation, such approaches have not achieved sustainable peace in the region. The case for societal customs presented here demonstrates a contrary view. Historically, the Nilotic Lwo ethnic groups of South Sudan, that is, Dinka and Nuer, have fought each other but utilised their customs in conflict resolution. The use of societal customs has prevailed at the grass-roots level in the face of intermittent interethnic conflicts, which feed into civil wars. This article explores the potential of societal customs in delivering sustainable peace even at a civil war level. It highlights a way of exploring further the themes (customary laws and practices) and of thinking about how/why/when these can be useful in meeting local’s interests, values, and perspectives in the civil war resolution.


2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Yates

ABSTRACTIn the 1830s, among those associated with the Tractarian revival in England and also among certain figures in the (then) Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States (PECUSA), the idea of the ‘missionary bishop’ was propagated, which presented the bishop as a pioneer evangelist as the apostles were understood to be in New Testament times and saw the planting of the Church as necessarily including a bishop from the beginning for the ‘full integrity’ of the Church to be present. This view of the bishop as the ‘foundation stone’ was not held by the Evangelicals of the Church Missionary Society (CMS), who saw the bishop by contrast as the ‘crown’ or coping stone of the young churches. Two main protagonists were the High Churchman, Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, and the honorary secretary and missionary strategist, Henry Venn. The party, led by C.F. Mackenzie as Bishop and mounted by the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) in 1861 to the tribes near Lake Nyassa, was the outworking of this Tractarian ideal.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mehmet Gurses ◽  
Nicolas Rost

AbstractWhat role does religion play in preventing civil war from recurring? Politicians have proposed that when warring groups share the same religion, achieving a durable peace will be easier. We test this hypothesis empirically using a large-nsample of all ethnic civil wars that began and ended between 1950 and 2006, and a measure of co-religiosity between the ethnic group in power and the main opposition group. The analysis shows that there is no positive relationship between co-religiosity and the duration of post-civil war peace, showing that sharing the same religion may not help to bring about peace following an ethnic civil war. To the contrary, the closer religious ties, the less likely it is that peace will last after the end of the conflict, and the higher the risk that conflict will recur.


1940 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-140
Author(s):  
Henry T. Shanks

When the American Civil War began, the Southern dioceses of the Protestant Episcopal Church organized a Confederate Church. Contrary to sentiment in the other popular Protestant denominations, there was in 1861 little hostility between the Confederate and Northern leaders of this Church. As the war progressed, however, bitterness developed until in 1865 at the close of the war many wanted to retain separate church organizations. Despite these animosities, some bold spirits succeeded in bringing about the reconciliation of the dioceses of the Church. The story of this reunion has been told before, but new material recently made available warrants a new analysis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 340-359
Author(s):  
Gene Carolan

Abstract In recent years, the transitional justice framework has expanded to include a broader notion of transformative justice, which strives for socio-political reform in addition to legal accountability. Over the course of two civil wars, Sudan has grappled with various attempts at transition and transformation with mixed results. Though the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement brought an end to decades of North–South conflict, South Sudan’s subsequent descent into civil war has been characterised by a flawed transition and a lack of any immediate transformative potential. This paper analyses the Comprehensive Peace Agreement’s transitional mechanisms. In doing so, it explores how certain mechanisms frame the ‘meta-conflict’ about what the conflict is about, and how this can cut off a range of conflict resolution opportunities. It concludes by considering the legacy of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in contemporary Sudan and South Sudan, and how it might inform the prospective transitions in both countries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (03) ◽  
pp. 645-683 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Paine

AbstractWhat explains differential rates of ethnic violence in postcolonial Africa? I argue that ethnic groups organized as a precolonial state (PCS) exacerbated interethnic tensions in their postcolonial country. Insecure leaders in these countries traded off between inclusive coalitions that risked insider coups and excluding other ethnic groups at the possible expense of outsider rebellions. My main hypotheses posit that PCS groups should associate with coups because their historically rooted advantages often enabled accessing power at the center, whereas other ethnic groups in their countries—given strategic incentives for ethnopolitical exclusion—should fight civil wars more frequently than ethnic groups in countries without a PCS group. Analyzing originally compiled data on precolonial African states provides statistical evidence for these implications about civil wars and coups between independence and 2013 across various model specifications. Strikingly, through 1989, thirty of thirty-two ethnic group-level major civil war onsets occurred in countries with a PCS group.


2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.


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