scholarly journals Transition Without Transformation: The Legacy of Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 340-359
Author(s):  
Gene Carolan
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Political Reform ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Transformative Justice ◽  
Transformative Potential ◽  
Legal Accountability

Abstract In recent years, the transitional justice framework has expanded to include a broader notion of transformative justice, which strives for socio-political reform in addition to legal accountability. Over the course of two civil wars, Sudan has grappled with various attempts at transition and transformation with mixed results. Though the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement brought an end to decades of North–South conflict, South Sudan’s subsequent descent into civil war has been characterised by a flawed transition and a lack of any immediate transformative potential. This paper analyses the Comprehensive Peace Agreement’s transitional mechanisms. In doing so, it explores how certain mechanisms frame the ‘meta-conflict’ about what the conflict is about, and how this can cut off a range of conflict resolution opportunities. It concludes by considering the legacy of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in contemporary Sudan and South Sudan, and how it might inform the prospective transitions in both countries.

scholarly journals Significance of Societal Customs in the South Sudan Civil War Resolution

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-17
Author(s):  
Winnifred Bedigen
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
The South ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
The Face ◽  
Contrary View ◽  
Customary Laws

The South Sudan intermittent conflicts and civil wars have attracted national, regional, and international interventions. Dominated by politically led conventional ideologies of peace approaches that revolve around suppression, negotiation, and mediation, such approaches have not achieved sustainable peace in the region. The case for societal customs presented here demonstrates a contrary view. Historically, the Nilotic Lwo ethnic groups of South Sudan, that is, Dinka and Nuer, have fought each other but utilised their customs in conflict resolution. The use of societal customs has prevailed at the grass-roots level in the face of intermittent interethnic conflicts, which feed into civil wars. This article explores the potential of societal customs in delivering sustainable peace even at a civil war level. It highlights a way of exploring further the themes (customary laws and practices) and of thinking about how/why/when these can be useful in meeting local’s interests, values, and perspectives in the civil war resolution.

On South Sudan, in English. Review of the Books by Peter Martell “First Raise A Flag: How South Sudan Won the Longest War but Lost the Peace” and John Young “South Sudan’s Civil War: Violence, Insurgency and Failed Peacemaking”

2020 ◽  
pp. 109-115
Author(s):  
Anna Sharova
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Civil War ◽  
English Language ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
International Governance ◽  
Refugee Camps ◽  
Graham Greene ◽  
The Future ◽  
Independent Country ◽  
Spot Analysis

Anna Sharova reviews two recent books separately published by two English language authors – P. Martell and J. Young. The books are very different in style and mood. While P. Martell presents an excellent example of British journalist prose in the style of his elder compatriots Somerset Maugham and Graham Greene, who did their reporting and writing from exotic countries during fateful periods of history, J. Young offers a more academic, though no less ‘on the spot’ analysis of the situation in the youngest independent country of Africa. J. Young’s considers two possible approaches to conflict resolution as possible outcomes: non-intervention cum continuation of the war, or the introduction of international governance. P. Martell comes up with a disappointing prediction about the future of South Sudan. The war will go on, the famine will return, and the threat of genocide will not disappear. People will continue to flee the country, and refugee camps will grow. New warring groups will appear, new murders will be committed. Neighbouring states will not stop competing for influence and resources. New peacekeepers will arrive. Warlords will be accused of crimes, but, as before, they will escape punishment, while some will be promoted.

scholarly journals Beyond Personal Empathy: Perceiving Inclusive Empathy as Socially Shared Predicts Support for Transitional Justice Mechanisms

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Penić ◽  
Daniel Dukes ◽  
Guy Elcheroth ◽  
Sumedha Jayakody ◽  
David Sander
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Social Influence ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
Sample Survey ◽  
Minority Communities ◽  
Probability Sample ◽  
Post War

AbstractIn countries emerging from civil war, inclusive empathy is important for conflict resolution yet may be difficult to promote. Widening the predominant focus on personal inclusive empathy for conflict resolution, we examine whether support for transitional justice mechanisms (TJ) can be predicted by how much an individual perceives inclusive empathy as being shared in their local communities. Our results, based on a probability sample survey in post-war Sri Lanka (N = 580), reveal that the effects of this perceived communal inclusive empathy can be distinguished from those of personally experienced inclusive empathy, and that the more respondents perceive inclusive empathy as prevalent in their communities, the more they support TJ mechanisms. However, the results also indicate the contextual limits of perceived communal inclusive empathy as a resource for conflict resolution: participants tend to underestimate the prevalence of inclusive empathy, especially in militarized minority communities, and the more they underestimate it, the less they support TJ mechanisms. This study corroborates the importance of social influence in conflict resolution, suggesting that perception of inclusive empathy as shared in one’s community is a key determinant of popular support for conflict-transforming policies.

scholarly journals The need for a good enough territorial and economic governance in south Sudan

1970 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Francis Onditi ◽  
Cristina D’Alessandro
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Social Vulnerability ◽  
Political System ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Economic Governance ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
South Sudanese ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
Peace And Conflict ◽  
Political Governance

Peace and conflict dynamics in South Sudan are intertwined with political governance, institutional capacities, and leadership. Nevertheless, in the specific South Sudanese intractable civil wars since signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005, territorial and economic governance are also certainly strictly connected to any possible prospect of sustainable peace for the country. As such, after carefully defining these concepts, this article emphasizes that territorial governance in South Sudan relates to boundaries definition and to the division of the national territory in states with a certain degree of autonomy. The issues and divergences engendered by territorial governance are intertwined with economic governance concerns. The uneven distribution of natural resources (especially oil) produces wealth and power redistribution concerns that are at the core of contentious relations between social and ethnic groups. These circles of tensions rapidly degenerate into conflict in a context of widespread poverty, inequality, and consequent social vulnerability. The article defines and illustrates a “good enough” territorial and economic governance framework for the South Sudanese case study.Keywords: South Sudan; Governance; Resources; Territory; Political System.

An Exilic Church

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse A. Zink
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Church Growth ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Episcopal Church ◽  
Half Century ◽  
Church Missionary Society ◽  
Peace And Reconciliation ◽  
The Church

The Episcopal Church of South Sudan and Sudan (ECSSS) has been shaped by the experience of exile. A half-century of Anglican mission by the Church Missionary Society produced a Church that was of varied strength across the region. Two lengthy civil wars since Sudan’s independence displaced hundreds of thousands of southern Sudanese and led to Church growth, as refugees turned to Christianity in new ways. This was particularly true of the Dinka, southern Sudan’s largest ethnic group, who had long been uninterested in Christianity. In the midst of civil war in the 1980s and 1990s, Dinka showed new interest in Christianity and the Church exploded with growth. Church hierarchies have been tested by civil war, managing relations with rebel armies and governments, while also working for peace and reconciliation. The challenge for the ECSSS is to move from being a Church of the exiled to a Church of the returned.

Abyei, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the War in Sudan’s New South

2020 ◽  
pp. 62-77
Author(s):  
Douglas H. Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
New South ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Cultural Issues ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Common ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Political Question

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement succeeded in resolving Sudan’s oldest political question regarding the future of South Sudan, but its most obvious failure was the immediate resumption of war inside Sudan’s ‘New South’ along its border with South Sudan before the latter’s formal independence in July 2011. By focusing on resolving ‘the Southern Problem’ only, the international mediators failed to recognize the common political, economic, and cultural issues of marginalisation that linked large parts of the border region to the wider war. Conflict in Abyei preceded the outbreak of the second civil war in 1983, but the Abyei Protocol was largely an afterthought that inadequately addressed the main issues confronting the peoples of the area. The CPA as a whole failed to include robust monitoring instruments to enforce compliance, enabling Khartoum to refuse to accept any resolution to the Abyei conflict on anything but its own terms.

South Sudan faces a rocky road to first elections

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Bargaining Power ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Military Strength

Significance The current government’s mandate was meant to end this year. Instead, elections prescribed for 2021 have been delayed to 2023, ostensibly to allow more time to implement the 2018 peace agreement that ended the country’s civil war. Even with such a delay, the path to elections is likely to be littered with challenges. Impacts Few new opposition groups will consider forming political parties, as military strength is still viewed as the only viable route to power. Opposition groups may form alliances to boost their bargaining power, but talking with government is seen as more viable than toppling it. The post-election period will also be volatile, amid likely rejections of results or attempts to negotiate access to non-elected posts.

scholarly journals Drug-Trafficking in Colombia: The New Civil War Against Democracy and Peacebuilding

Co-herencia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (34) ◽  
pp. 157-192
Author(s):  
Maria Paula Espejo
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Drug Trafficking ◽  
Structural Violence ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Drug Trafficking Organizations ◽  
Approaches To Study

Drug-trafficking in Colombia has been a widely researched phenomenon, especially now, as the country undergoes a transition process with its older guerrilla. Now more than ever it is fundamental to examine how drug-trafficking organizations violent activities affect the consolidation of peace. This article considers different approaches to study violence derived from drug-trafficking, in order to advance towards the objectives of transitional justice. For that matter, this work is based on the idea that drug-trafficking directly generates and reproduces violence which is fueled by the structural violence present in the Colombian context. My thesis is that this phenomenon deters non-repetition guarantees and weakens democracy, which is why there will be three main arguments presented that will revolve around the lack of consensus and the implications of considering drug wars as civil wars, how decisions related to the conceptual apprehension limit the competence of international humanitarian law, and the need for holistic strategies capable of facing drug-trafficking’s political and violent power. Later, alternatives will be explored around the possibilities that each argument offers, as well as which aspects could contribute to a more appropriate approach to combat drug-trafficking. Lastly, I will defend why implementing bottom-up oriented actions can advance towards transitional justice’s intermediate and final objectives, as it is the only alternative that escapes fatalist, utopian or interventionist scenarios.

Challenges of Regulating Non-International Armed Conflicts – an Examination of Ongoing Trends in South Sudan’s Civil War

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 414-442 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kuyang Harriet Logo Mulukwat
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Liberation Movement ◽  
The Government

The conflict in South Sudan became the only viable violent way of expressing underlying discontentment with the style of governance adopted by the incumbent government and unresolved issues from the 1991 split which occurred when Dr. Riak Machar, one of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (splm/a) leaders at the time, now turned rebel leader, fell out with Dr. John Garang, the chairman of the splm/a. The split, notably referred to as the “Nassir split”, led communities from both the Dinka and Nuer tribes to turn against each other. The referendum, a consequence of a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (cpa) between the government in Khartoum, Sudan, and the splm/a, led to an overwhelming vote for secession, later paving way for the subsequent independence of South Sudan in 2011. The existing tension took on a violent expression. The article analyses occurrences the splm/a command pursued on a secessionist agenda in the 21 years of armed struggle and the attainment of independence on the 9 July 2011. It further denotes the insurgents’ pursuit of armed confrontation and the government’s response to the belligerents’ actions, while providing a genesis of the belligerence and laws governing non–international armed conflicts.

US rhetoric on South Sudan may prove hollow

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Dry Season ◽  
The South ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Oil Companies ◽  
New Strategy ◽  
Low Levels ◽  
To Come

Subject US policy towards South Sudan Significance Senior US officials have recently taken a harder line with South Sudan’s leaders over the country’s civil war, having resolved that President Salva Kiir’s government is principally to blame for the ongoing conflict and the collapse of a 2015 peace deal. After two senior US officials visited Juba to make it clear that “a serious re-examination” of US policy was underway, the administration announced a new round of sanctions designations and more public condemnation. Washington has hinted that further pressure is to come, but the spike in rhetoric may be more indicative of frustration than of a new strategy. Impacts The HLRF is unlikely to rescue the peace agreement, setting the stage for more violence as the dry season approaches. The government’s already low levels of popular legitimacy will further erode amid conflict and economic decay. Absent US leadership, Europe and the UN are unlikely to forge new initiatives without a clear request from the region. Further US sanctions may bar US oil companies from entering the South Sudan market and deter other investors.

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