Networks and European Union Politics

Author(s):  
Paul W. Thurner

The European Union (EU) is a regional cooperation regime with a specific and still fluid governance structure. It constitutes the world’s largest and institutionally most deeply integrated system of international relations with supranational features. As a consequence, the literature on the EU often emphasizes informality, multilevel aspects, and its “network governance” character. Network analysis is therefore a promising perspective for the systematic investigation of complex networks of formalized actor relations as well as of informal and implicit political structures and processes in the EU. Applied network analysis is meanwhile used for the investigation of multi-level policy preparation, of collective decision-making in the political system in the EU, and of the implementation process of EU policies in the Member States.

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor D. Bojkov

The article analyses the process of EU enlargement with reference to the progress that Bulgaria and Romania have made within it. It is argued that leaving them out of the wave of accession finalised in May 2004 for ten of the candidate states, has placed them in a situation of double exclusion. Firstly, their geographical belonging to the region of Southeast Europe has been rendered non-essential by their advanced position within the EU enlargement process. Secondly, their achievement in economic and political transition has been removed from the progress of the ten states, which joined the EU in May 2004 by delaying the time of their accession. As a result, any efforts in regional cooperation and integration between Bulgaria and Romania on one hand, and other Southeast European states on the other, have been effectively cancelled. Moreover, in current European politics, the two countries have come to serve the unenviable role of exemplifying on the part of the European Union how progress is being awarded and hesitation punished.


Water Policy ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Kanakoudis ◽  
S. Tsitsifli

Although the European Union (EU) has made some considerable progress regarding protection of water resources (tackling significant problems at national and at EU level), increased efforts are still needed to get and keep its waters clean. After 30 years of developing EU water legislation, all the involved stakeholders express this demand. In 2000, the Water Framework Directive (WFD) 2000/60/EC, establishing a framework for Community actions regarding protection of water resources, was adopted. Its implementation is now well underway, as most of the EU-Member States have fulfilled their current obligations of submitting their reports. An on-going evaluation of the WFD implementation process is attempted here, based on all available data seven years after its launch. Special focus is given to Greece regarding problems that have occurred.


Author(s):  
Mihail Poalelungi ◽  
◽  
Mihai Poalelungi ◽  

The process of European integration has never followed a clear path and the current EU predecessors had never been by far the only efforts of the regional integration in Europe. Created in the 1950s, the European Communities as today’s EU predecessors, have overdue emerged in a very broad area populated by international organizations and various cooperation institutions. This organization, only by matching economic and political challenges, succeeded in becoming the most important cooperation forum between European states. Although in the early 1950s the Western European states could often choose between various forms of regional cooperation, today the EU is frequently seen as the only available at the European level option and the only model of institutional governance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 99 (6) ◽  
pp. 64-75
Author(s):  
Natalia Anikeeva ◽  
◽  
Natalia Kapitonova ◽  

The article deals with the problem of Gibraltar in British-Spanish relations in light of Brexit. The provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 do not allow the UK and Spain to reach a compromise and move forward in resolving the dispute over Gibraltar. From Britain’s perspective, the Gibraltar issue appears to be a permanent and irritating element in relations with Spain. Gibraltar does not seek to return to the jurisdiction of Spain, as indicated by the results of referendums held in Gibraltar in 1967 and 2002. During the negotiations on regional cooperation in 2004, the parties announced the creation of the Forum "Dialogue on Gibraltar". In 2006, within the framework of the first ministerial meeting of the Forum, the Cordoba agreement was signed, which does not mention the problem of sovereignty, as well as other controversial issues of the Gibraltar problem, but specifically settles inter alia the problem of freedom of movement according to one of the fundamental principles of the EU. Spain considered Brexit as an opportunity to resolve a long-running historic dispute with London. According to Madrid, all parties lose from Brexit. At the same time, Spain managed to strengthen its position on the Gibraltar issue, having enlisted the support of the European Commission and the European Council. The UK as a whole voted to leave the European Union. This puts the Gibraltar in a difficult position: they do not want to leave the EU, but at the same time intend to keep belonging to the British crown.


Author(s):  
Shanti Darmastuti ◽  
Mansur Juned ◽  
Sophiana Widiastutie

COVID-19 has impacted multiple sectors of life. Experts believe that regional cooperation is a key effort that should be done to deal the COVID-19 pandemic. Regional cooperation starts with common interests among parties and provides benefits for every country involved in it. This article provides an overview of the socio-economic impact of COVID-19 as well as a comparison of the forms of regional cooperation carried out by Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the European Union (EU) in responding COVID-19. This study uses literature studies in data collection. From the results of several studies that have been carried out before, both regions chose to conduct cooperation in the health and economic fields to respond to COVID-19. ASEAN's response in responding to the pandemic can be seen stronger in the principles of partnership that have been established with several partner countries. In addition, the principle of solidarity, exchange of information, knowledge, as well as strengthening institutional cooperation in ASEAN itself is an important point in the regional cooperation carried out. On the other hand, in addition to cooperation in the health sector, EU focuses on financial instruments among its collaborative approaches in the availability of aid packages to banking actors and institutions. The package of assistance provided by the EU to avoid market distortions and revive economic sectors is provided through the provision of credit and liquidity.


Author(s):  
V. Yu. Slepak

The need to create a new technological base through joint efforts is well understood both in the EU member states and in the Union itself, but the situation has not changed at all for a long time. Over time, Member States have come to realize that instead of increasing funding that does not address inefficiencies in this area, it is necessary to reduce duplication of efforts to develop loosely coupled capacities, platforms and systems. Since 2016, at the level of the European Union, a sufficiently integrated system has been formed, which makes it possible to coordinate the actions of the member states on funding scientific research for defense needs, as well as, by identifying the highest priority research areas for all EU member states, to co-finance such research from the EU budget. The most striking examples of such measures are the European Defense Fund and the financing from it of projects of the member states, implemented in the framework of PESCO. Such measures are predominantly intergovernmental in nature, but contribute to the formation of a single European market for scientific research by stimulating cross-border research projects.


2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-17
Author(s):  
Gazmend Qorraj

Abstract The aim of the paper is to reflect upon the dilemma or whether the EU will continue the integration process in the Western Balkans or backlash on regional cooperation instruments and initiatives within the framework of the Western Balkans. The Regional Economic Area (REA) is analyzed as the more recent policy of the European Union for the remaining Balkan countries. It is crucial to analyze the idea behind REA, starting from two main assumptions: first, the creation of REA stemmed from EU internal challenges; and second, REA came up as a creative EU approach in efforts to find a specific model for reforms in the Western Balkans in the frame of regional institutions. The paper also discusses regional trade and specifically the role of the Regional Cooperation Council (RCC) in coordinating these initiatives in the Western Balkans. Taking into consideration the EU current challenges as well as difficulties of the Western Balkan countries to overcome the political and economic problems, then regional cooperation could appear as an alternative to the EU integration process for the Western Balkans. The main conclusion of this paper is that the Western Balkans needs the EU’s direct support, in particular, since RCC and other regional instruments cannot enforce, support and monitor the initiatives and reforms in the region.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lia C.R.M. Versteegh

The active involvement of European citizens became a new form of democracy in the Treaty of Lisbon of 2009 by the introduction of a whole new chapter dedicated to this purpose. There is an article that obligates the Commission to give serious consideration to the demands of one million citizens from a significant number of Member States. The treaty also provides for a better role of NGOs such as foundations and associations. However, there are uncertainties concerning the definition and the nature of the concept of civil society of which NGOs may be regarded as typical. The European Union gives as leading principle of civil society the concept of voluntariness. Currently, the legal typology of NGOs in the European Union is determined by national laws of the Member State. The present forms of NGOs show great differences regarding formal requirements. There is a variety of legal forms available in EU Member States for public benefit organizations as typical civil society organizations. In the concept of European Union governance there are different concepts about which role civil society could or ought to play in Europe’s governance structure. One of these concepts is that the European Union cooperates with the national civil society institutions through partnership agreements. However, the European Union provides no indication of ways to measure whether an organization can be considered as a public benefit organization. Also, the supervising competences in the EU Member States are different. As a result of these the participatory democracy in the EU does not reflect the power of Europe’s civil society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-209
Author(s):  
Tamara Tubakovic

The concurrent refugee crises affecting the European Union (EU) and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) brought to the fore long-standing issues regarding regional cooperation on refugee protection and responsibility sharing. This article argues that these crises are a culmination of years of policy neglect. By comparing the EU and ASEAN, this article demonstrates the weaknesses of regional bodies in responding to refugee challenges, regardless of the level of institutionalization of refugee norms and practices. In both instances, procedural norms privileging member state interests and consensus have hindered the development of durable regional refugee policies.


Author(s):  
M. Strezhneva

Institutional structures and decision-making processes, which have been established in the European Union, fall beyond the scope of national rules for the functioning of parliamentary government. National parliaments of the EU member states have not succeeded in acquiring solid positions in the multilevel constellation within the Union. Yet nowadays they are assigned an important mission in their efforts to overcome, alongside the European Parliament (EP), the growing democratic deficit at both the European and national levels. The article is meant to assess the potential of national parliaments in capitalizing on the Lisbon Treaty provisions and on new forms of their engagement with supranational institutions (the European Council, the European Commission and the EP in particular), aimed at enhancing their legitimizing influence. General paradigm for the analysis is determined by the multilevel governance concept (MLG). It allows for a picture of European decision-making, which is shared by actors placed at different levels of the governance structure. National parliaments are supposed to be provided with multiple access points to the political process in the European Union as well. But the MLG vision doesn't contradict the fact that the key role within the EU belongs to those who occupy the highest executive power positions at the national level. Three directions for the national parliaments to intensify their involvement are put into spotlight: parliamentary control over national executives; control of compliance with the subsidiarity principle in European legislative proposals and supranational decisions; political dialogue with the European Commission and interparliamentary cooperation. The analysis proves that conditions are ripe for more active stance of national parliaments in the EU affairs. The “system of early warning” of the subsidiarity principle violations, provided for in the Lisbon Treaty, seems most promising. But national parliaments themselves will still have to demonstrate more persistence when using new instruments. Acknowledgment. The article has been supported by a grant of the Russian Foundation for Humanities (RFH). Project № 14-07-00050.


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