Populism and Cosmopolitanism

Author(s):  
James Ingram

Populism and cosmopolitanism are commonly regarded as antitheses, reducing populism to communalism and cosmopolitanism to elitism. This chapter develops a more nuanced view by turning to the early histories of both phenomena. In Diogenes the Cynic, cosmopolitanism’s ancient inventor, it finds evidence less for elitism than for resistance to politics as such. In the populares, populists of the Roman Republic, it finds the origins of a long history of inclusive popular politics. Drawing on a recent debate between Ernesto Laclau and Jacques Rancière, the chapter argues that populism and cosmopolitanism are essentially ambivalent. Insofar as populism can be inclusive or exclusive and cosmopolitanism elitist or popular, the two can overlap, and each can usefully be regarded as a check on the other.

Author(s):  
Gabriel Rockhill

This chapter turns to the work of Jacques Rancière, who has, perhaps more than any other prominent living philosopher, extended the historical and historiographical work of Foucault by proposing an archeology of aesthetics, with a particular concern for its relationship to the history of politics. In doing so, however, he has stalwartly refused to provide a genealogical account of the emergence of aesthetics, which appeared at more or less the same time as modern democracy. This chapter thereby sets as its task a critical reassessment of the genealogical limitations of Rancière’s account of the historical relationship between art and politics. It is in this light that it advances an alternative account of historical causality by examining the variable conjuncture of determinants that contributed to the emergence of what Rancière calls the aesthetic regime of art.


Author(s):  
Mariana Paola Colotta ◽  
María Susana Durán Sáenz

Este trabajo tiene dos ejes. Primero se propone recuperar los conceptos más relevantes de la relación entre política y democracia. Por este motivo se incluyen algunos conceptos claves de Jacques Rancière y Gianfranco Pasquino. En una segunda parte, se pondrán en juego los conceptos de Ernesto Laclau sobre populismo para completar el cuadro conceptual con el cual el caso de Bolivia, en su etapa constitutiva, se reconoce como una experiencia contemporánea del populismo, específicamente como un caso de populismo étnico.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Campbell Orchard

<p>Revitalised by Mussolini in the early twentieth century as a symbol of the ‘New Roman Empire’, Roma has endured a long history of national representation. Traditionally the figure of Roma is on the one side associated by historians with the Roman imperial cult and Augustus, and on the other by Numismatists as the helmeted female figure on the coinage of the Roman Republic. However, these figures are not presently considered one and the same. When describing this figure, Roma is considered a Greek innovation travelling west, which naturally discounts well over two centuries of Roman issued coinage. Roma inaugurated by Hadrian and previously manipulated by Augustus was not simply a Greek import, but a complex Roman idea, which, true to Roman form, incorporated native and foreign elements in shaping an outward looking signifier of Roman identity.</p>


Other Others ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 19-35
Author(s):  
Sergey Dolgopolski

The chapter analyses how the question of the political in two currently predominant and competing schools of political thought, political theology, exemplified by Carl Schmitt, and political ontology, exemplified by Jacques Rancière. The notion of the other others comes front and centre in this analysis. In political ontology, the concept of the political is predicated on an ability of a politician, a lawyer, or an artist to employ the philosophical, and in modern terms, “ontological” distinction between what is the case in each case and what seems to be the case in each case. In political theology, it is no longer “being” as opposed to “seeming”, but rather an ability to represent as radically distinct from any particular content conveyed. The chapter further traces foundations of both political theology and political ontology in Kant’s transcendentalism -- in particular in the necessity by which transcendentalism denies “positive law,” which Christianity traditionally ascribed to the Jews. The balance of the chapter shows how, however mutually exclusive, both political theology and political ontology remain intersubjective in their scope and thereby both efface and help notice what, in the following chapters will emerge on the pages of the Talmud as interpersonal rather than intersubjective dimension of the political.


Beyond Bias ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 3-28
Author(s):  
Scott Krzych

Identifying the fact that conservative political media often produces confusion or bewilderment for viewers who encounter it but do not share its ideological assumptions—How could anyone believe this nonsense? is a likely refrain—the Introduction makes clear that incoherence is a constitutive feature of hysterical political discourse. This manner of political discourse seeks to perpetuate a feeling of affective turmoil for its intended audience as a means to deflect attention from more concrete or productive forms of democratic disagreement or exchange. The Introduction likewise argues that hysterical discourse can be understood as an extension of several key terms and concepts taken up in the work of such prominent political theorists as Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe, Jodi Dean, and Jacques Rancière.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Fellipe Eloy Teixeira Albuquerque

Com carga horária de 60 horas a disciplina eletiva do curso de Mestrado Acadêmico em História da Arte, da Unifesp - campus de Guarulhos, possibilitou muitas questões acerca de como a relação entre Arte e Filosofia foram apreendidas durante a História. A consulta de diversos autores como Alain Badiou, Martin Heidegger, Giorgio Agambem e Jacques Rancière ajudaram na compreensão desse processo, assim como a produção artística de propositores como Vik Muniz, Peter Greenaway e Ngwenya. Para a avaliação final desta disciplina os professores responsáveis solicitam a elaboração de um texto que, a partir das referências trabalhadas em aula, ajudassem o aluno a formular um conceito de Arte. Esse artigo vem reunir as principais reflexões levantadas durante todo o processo de avaliação da disciplina que conceituou uma possibilidade de entender a História da ArtePalavras-chave: avaliação, arte, filosofia. REFLECTIONS ON THE FINAL EVALUATION OF A DISCIPLINE ELECTIVEAbstractWith a workload of 60 hours to elective Academic Master's course in History of Art, Unifesp - Campus Guarulhos, enabled many questions about how the relationship between Art and Philosophy were seized during history. Consultation of various authors such as Alain Badiou, Martin Heidegger, Giorgio Agambem and Jacques Rancière helped in understanding this process, as well as the artistic production of proposers as Vik Muniz, Peter Greenaway and Ngwenya. For the final evaluation of this discipline the responsible teachers requested the preparation of a text which, from references worked in class, help the student to formulate a concept of Art. This article is to bring together the main reflections raised during the evaluation process of discipline that conceptualized a chance to understand the History of Art.Key-words: evaluation, art, philosophy.


Author(s):  
Daniel de Mendonça ◽  
Roberto Vieira Junior

O presente texto apresenta uma leitura crítica sobre a democracia liberal a partir das teorias pós-estruturalistas propostas por Jacques Rancière e Ernesto Laclau. Parte-se da discussão sobre o conformismo com relação à democracia representativa liberal e da sua resistência em considerar a vontade popular em detrimento do estrito respeito à lei. Para ambos os autores, democracia não é um regime político com instituições definidas, mas, pelo contrário, é justamente um princípio de valorização da vontade do demos. Nesse sentido, a democracia reside no momento em que as próprias instituições são postas em xeque a partir da construção de vontades coletivas, de discursos antagônicos que promovem o dissenso ou o deslocamento estrutural, segundo as visões, respectivamente, de Rancière e de Laclau.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 215-234
Author(s):  
Michaela Fiserova ◽  

The paper invites a rethink of the political conception of Jacques Rancière, a philosopher who devoted considerable reflexion to the problem of the sharing of the sensible. Rancière proposes considering the aesthetic regime without the concept of representation. According to the author, this leads him to a paradox: on the one hand, he states that the aesthetic regime takes images for art; on the other hand, he doesn’t pay attention to the fact that it shouldn’t be possible to conceive of any regime of sharing without the concept of representation. Therefore, the author proposes a deconstructive reading of Rancière’s critique of representation, demonstrating that if the contemporary image is conceived and produced in order to be shared, it can’t be freed from representation. Finally, the author puts forth the notion of meta-representation as a solution avoiding Rancière’s antinomies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (9-10) ◽  
pp. 1132-1143
Author(s):  
Thomas Claviez

The response of academic intellectuals and political elites to populism is very often characterized by a mixture between outright disgust and helpless perplexity. This cannot come as a surprise, since the one thing that left and right populism have in common is that they consider the elites their enemy. The essay argues that the choice the elites have is either to openly voice their contempt for the uneducated masses, or to help educate them. However, as the contributions of Ernesto Laclau and Jacques Rancière on the topic show, this is more easily said than done. Moreover, to simply discard right-wing populism on the basis of its racist tendencies often simply serves to deflect the focus away from the legitimate grievances of those who follow – or ‘fall for’ – populist parties.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Marco Aurelio Maximo Prado ◽  
Angela Cristina Salgueiro Marques

O presente texto tem como objetivo apresentar pontos de intersecção entre o pensamento de Ernesto Laclau e Jacques Rancière acerca do povo como categoria política. A partir das principais referências sobre povo e populismo no pensamento dos autores busca-se identificar pontos de aproximação e distanciamento entre as formas conceituais que vinculam o povo como um efeito da articulação de elementos heterogêneos na emergência da própria política. Conclui-se que dois elementos de intersecção podem implementar o diálogo crítico entre os pensadores de forma a ressignificar historicamente a figura do povo como sujeito político contemporâneo.


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