Human Rights Status in Nigeria Since Obasanjo’s Second Coming

2018 ◽  
pp. 456-472
Author(s):  
Idayat Hassan
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Extrajudicial Killings ◽  
Government Security ◽  
Second Coming

The departure in 1999 of the military regime in Nigeria restored hope for human rights that was grossly abused by successive military regimes. Regrettably, after eighteen years, it is not yet uhuru for Nigerians. Human rights violations remain rife. Particularly worrying is the government security operatives’ abuse of rights with the resultant casualties. Security agencies have been repeatedly accused of extensive human rights abuses and extrajudicial killings. The number of incidents of human rights violations in Nigeria’s democracy has become a major concern. More disconcerting is that the justice sector has not effectively addressed the issue, largely due to the disregard of lawful processes and orders by the Nigerian state and its machinery. This chapter sets out to analyze and highlight the patent issues of human rights.

scholarly journals Against silence

1982 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-5
Author(s):  
Jacobo Timerman
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Buenos Aires ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Recent Book ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Newspaper Editors ◽  
The Military

Jacobo Timerman was until recently one of Argentina's most distinguished newspaper editors. Born in Russia in 1923, he emigrated as a child with his family to Argentina, where he was later found the Buenos Aires daily La Opinion. He became a fierce opponent of the human rights abuses under the military regime which took power in 1976. In April 1977 Timerman was abducted and held prisoner for 30 months by agents of the Argentinian army. He was not found guilty of any of the accusations laid against him. The torture and savage anti-Semitism he was subjected to are described in his recent book, Prisoner Without a Name, Cell Without a Number. Exiled from Argentina in September 1979 following his release, he has spoken out on behalf of those who have been silenced or who continue to suffer from human rights violations in Argentina. Jacobo Timerman now lives in Israel; in November 1981 he was the guest of honour at the annual lunch of the Writers & Scholars Educational Trust in London, on which occasion he delivered the following address.

Introductory Aspects on Human Rights Violations Suffered by Indigenous Peoples during the Period of Brazilian Civil-Military Dictatorship

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luane Flores Chuquel
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Deductive Method ◽  
The Face ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The Military

This current work studies the human rights violations suffered by indigenous peoples during the period of the Brazilian CivilMilitary Dictatorship. Likewise, it makes some notes about the beginning of the violations in a moment before this dark period. On this path, even before the Military Coup was launched in the year 1964 (one thousand nine hundred and sixty-four), the Indians were already experiencing constant usurpations of their rights at the expense of irresponsibilities commanded most of the time, by those who should watch over their rights lives. As will be seen, the violation and disrespect for Human Rights in the face of these peoples ended up becoming common and gaining strength mainly in the beginning of the implementation of the military regime. Negligent attempts at acculturation and "emancipation", in addition to inconsequential contacts with isolated peoples, culminated in the destruction and predatory logging of their lands. Missing processes of terribly violating demarcations of indigenous areas promoted the expulsion of countless peoples, causing the Indians to fall into a life totally surrounded by hunger, begging, alcoholism and prostitution. All in the name of the so-called “economic advance”, which aimed at building roads, in what was called “occupation of the Amazon”? As frequently stated by the authorities at the time, the Amazon rainforest was seen and understood as a “population void” by the Military Government. According to this thought idealized by the disgusting dictators and supporters, it will be observed that the cases of violations of Human Rights have been systematically “legalized”. The life, land and culture of indigenous peoples were left in the background. Depending on this brief narrative developed through documentary research, based on a hypothetical-deductive method, the intention is to rescue the martyrdoms of that time, demonstrating what actually happened to indigenous peoples during the Military Regime, in the simplest attempt to remember or even disclose to those who are unaware of this part of history. All that said, don't you forget. So that it never happens again.

Revisiting the Causal Links between Economic Sanctions and Human Rights Violations

2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292094159
Author(s):  
Ryan Yu-Lin Liou ◽  
Amanda Murdie ◽  
Dursun Peksen
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
National Data ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Mediating Role ◽  
Government Capacity ◽  
Causal Mediation Analysis ◽  
The Government ◽  
Cross National

There is some consensus in the literature that economic sanctions might prompt more human rights abuses in target countries. Yet, the causal mechanisms underlining the sanctions–repression nexus remain little understood. Using causal mediation analysis, we examine the processes through which sanctions might deteriorate human rights conditions. We specifically propose two indirect mechanisms driving human rights violations: increased domestic dissent and reduced government capacity. Sanctions are likely to trigger domestic dissent, and this instability would further induce the government to employ repression. Reduced government capacity caused by sanctions will harm the government’s ability to screen and oversee its security agents, which would subsequently lead to increased human rights abuses. Results from a time-series, cross-national data analysis indicate that sanctions-induced dissent, particularly violent dissent, plays a significant mediating role in the sanctions–repression link. Likewise, we find strong evidence that diminished fiscal capacity triggered by sanctions is likely to result in more repression. There is also some modest evidence that corruption as a proxy for poor governance mediates the sanctions–repression relationship.

The Aylwin Government and 'Tutelary' Democracy: A Concept in Search of a Case?

1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhoda Rabkin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
The Other ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military

The Literature on democratic transitions suggests two opposite sorts of dangers that the successful democratizer must avoid: too much uncertainty on the one hand, and too little on the other. The first can lead to conflict, violence, and abortive transitions (Karl and Schmitter, 199D; while the second means there is no democracy at all, but leads to something less which has been variously called: "tutelary democracy," "electoralism," or "democradura."Before the government of Patricio Aylwin took office in Chile in March 1990, most observers anticipated that the return to democracy would bring considerable social conflict and political instability. Expressing a widely held view, one expert wrote: "Any return to democracy in Chile would entail vocal demands, from a variety of social groups and movements, to reverse the policies instituted by the regime since 1973" (Loveman 1986-87:29). The need to confront human rights abuses during the military government was another potentially explosive political issue.

scholarly journals O REGIME MILITAR, OS DIREITOS HUMANOS E A IGREJA (1972-1986) * THE MILITARY REGIME, HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE CHURCH (1972-1986)

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Egberto Pereira Dos Reis ◽  
José Carlos Rothen
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Catholic Church

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> O presente artigo tem como finalidade abordar a postura da Igreja Católica, diante do regime militar e dos direitos humanos. A nossa pesquisa tem como fonte principal a Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira (REB) no período entre 1972 a 1986. Inicialmente a Igreja apoia o golpe cívico/militar e depois parte dela denuncia as violações de direitos humanos por parte do regime. Assim, identificamos tendências conservadoras e progressistas na instituição eclesial, travando guerras de posição segundo a concepção de Gramsci.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chaves:</strong> Regime militar; Igreja; Direitos humanos; Teologia da Libertação.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This article has purpose to approach the position of the Catholic Church, before the military regime and human rights. Our research has as its main source Revista Brasileira Ecclesiastical (REB) in the period from 1972 to 1986. Initially the Church supports the civic/military coup and then part of it denounces human rights violations by the regime. Thus, we identified conservative and progressive trends in the ecclesial institution, locking position of wars according to the conception of Gramsci.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Military regime; Church; Human Rights; Libertation Theology.</p>

Judging from a Guilty Conscience: The Chilean Judiciary's Human Rights Turn

2010 ◽  
Vol 35 (01) ◽  
pp. 99-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Huneeus
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Judicial Politics ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Crimes Against Humanity ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
International Human Rights ◽  
International Human ◽  
The Military

Since the detention of General Pinochet in London in 1998 on charges of crimes against humanity, Chile's judges have sentenced more former officials of the military regime for human rights violations than judges of any other country in Latin America. This article argues that the prosecutorial turn reflects the judiciary's attempt to atone for its complicity with the dictatorship. The London arrest created pressure for prosecution of Pinochet‐era human rights violations; but it is the contest over the judiciary's legacy, as an important piece of postauthoritarian memory struggles, that explains why Chile's notoriously illiberal judiciary ceded to that pressure. By reconceptualizing judicial culture as contested, heterogeneous, and dynamic, this article opens the door to richer understandings of judicial politics, transitional justice, and the reception of international human rights.

The threat of African military coups may rise

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
International Community ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
International Agreement ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
The Military

Significance International agreement that all unconstitutional transfers should be condemned and punished is being tested by carefully designed takeovers that appear to adhere to democratic principles and enjoy popular support. In Mali, as in Zimbabwe, the coup plotters sought to escape international sanction by forcing the president to resign rather than more traditional strategies of execution, imprisonment or exile. Impacts The international community will find it harder to reach consensus on coups as they become increasingly disguised as popular transitions. On average, military regimes achieve lower levels of economic growth and commit worse human rights violations than democratic states. Coups weaken democratic institutions and norms while politicising the military, making further coups likely.

scholarly journals Agenda dynamics and policy priorities in military regimes

2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212092306
Author(s):  
T. Murat Yildirim ◽  
Alper T. Bulut ◽  
Emel Ilter
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
National Security Council ◽  
Background Characteristics ◽  
The Core ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
The Government ◽  
Policy Agendas ◽  
The Military

Despite the policy-relevant aspirations of military regimes, scholars have shown surprisingly little interest in exploring the agenda dynamics and policy processes in these regimes. We sought to close this gap by analysing the original datasets of over 13,000 legislative speeches, public budgets, and the background characteristics of 160 representatives who served in the Consultative Assembly of the military regime of Kenan Evren in Turkey (1980–1983). Empirical analyses indicate that the regime’s policy priorities did not differ significantly from those of democratic governments, and that while representatives with military backgrounds showed far more interest in the core functions of the government, the process through which they were selected (whether or not directly appointed by the National Security Council) appeared to have no explanatory power. Perhaps more importantly, there were more similarities than differences between the military regime of Kenan Evren and the coalition, minority and majority governments of the 1970s and 1980s. Our findings imply that the effect of institutions on policy agendas is overstated.

The Pitfalls and Promises of Human Rights Claims in the Chechen Wars: Russia at the European Court

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 338-364
Author(s):  
Matthew Evangelista
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
War Crimes ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Civilian Life ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
European Court ◽  
Human Rights Norms ◽  
The Military ◽  
Extrajudicial Killings

Abstract Russia’s brutal wars against the separatist republic of Chechnya, starting in the mid-1990s, entailed untold numbers of war crimes and human rights abuses, including kidnapping, extrajudicial killings, torture, murder, and vast destruction of property and civilian life by aerial bombardment and artillery barrages. Blocked from pursuing justice through the Russian courts or by having the Russian government fulfill its obligations under the Geneva Conventions, victims instead worked with activists and lawyers to bring cases before the European Court of Human Rights. Starting in 2003, the Court has found against Russia in some 250 cases – in effect bringing the higher standards of human rights law to the domain of armed conflict, normally regulated (with mixed success) by international humanitarian law (“laws of war”). The first step in the process of understanding this normative change is to identify and understand the transformation: from a normative standpoint, the Court rulings constitute a major achievement for civilian protections during wartime; they build on earlier precedents in cases against Turkey and the United Kingdom, which not only expand protections for civilians but also extend the espace juridique of the Court’s competence beyond Europe to include, for example, British military forces in Iraq. The second step provides a social-sciences perspective by adding an empirical dimension to the study of these cases. We see that the actual consequences of the Court’s decisions on the military practices of Russia and other states have been limited and may even portend a backlash that could undermine protections for civilians in warfare. The last step of normative analysis suggests that even if appeals to a court of human rights might not serve the goal of reducing war crimes in general, the use of human-rights norms retains a certain plausibility to the extent that if offers victims an opportunity to present their claims and seek remedies.

Political Executives in Military Regimes

2020 ◽  
pp. 754-774
Author(s):  
Natasha Lindstaedt
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Track Record ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
Separate Category ◽  
The Military ◽  
Over Time

Military executives often seize power because the military sees itself as the best institution to lead the country. Yet the track record of military executives paints a very different picture. This chapter explains the consequences of military rule. In doing so, this chapter justifies why military executives need to be studied as a separate category from other types of authoritarian rule, and how the evolution of the study of military rule has changed over time. Countries ruled by military executives are more likely to commit human rights abuses and become embroiled in civil wars than are civilian executives. In spite of this, military executives have been able to construct the myth that they are better at ruling than civilians. This chapter explains how military executives actually govern and what the future is for the study of military executives.

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