Introduction: Identifying Greece

Author(s):  
Kevin Featherstone

Identifying ‘Greece’ has often challenged scholars from different disciplines. Modern Greece has been equated with Europe’s south, the Balkans, or the Near East, whilst the weight of its historical inheritance has more generally placed it at the very core of understandings of what constitutes ‘Europe’ or, indeed, the ‘West’. It has been a case to define the divisions of the Cold War and, latterly, the vulnerabilities of the ‘eurozone’. Defining it from within or from without has elicited contestation. So, how might Greece be identified in the present? To introduce the volume, this chapter adopts a broad, comparative perspective. Firstly, it briefly outlines why Greece is of a wider interest to scholars, highlighting aspects of its history where it has appeared of larger significance than its size might normally warrant. Secondly, it proceeds to identify Greece’s development along a set of dimensions that serve to place it within comparative frames, addressing the question, ‘What type of case is Greece?’. To draw these different aspects together, the third section attempts to identify ‘imbalances’ within the Greek system that give it its distinctive character and to sketch how these aspects are, in fact, interlinked. Their complementarities sustain a set of constraints that structure the system’s developmental path. The latter has been of continuing international interest: its capacity to reform and to exit the recent debt crisis has been the subject of much debate. The Conclusion reflects on this comparative perspective for future research on Greece.

2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Geist

During the Cold War, the nature, intent, and scale of Soviet civil defense were the subject of heated debate in the West. Some analysts claimed that the USSR possessed a massive civil defense program capable of seriously destabilizing the strategic nuclear balance. This article draws on previously unexamined archival sources to investigate Soviet shelter construction from 1953, when the USSR's civil defense forces began planning for nuclear war, until the Cuban missile crisis in October 1962. These documents indicate that shelter construction consumed the majority of Soviet civil defense funding and was conducted by order of the Council of Ministers. Although the shelters were inadequate both technologically and quantitatively to protect the Soviet population from an all-out U.S. thermonuclear attack, they existed in significant numbers and represented a considerable expenditure of limited Soviet resources. These new revelations provide important insights into Soviet thinking about nuclear war during the Khrushchev era.


2003 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Headley

This article analyses the Russian reaction to the Sarajevo crisis of February 1994 when NATO threatened air strikes in response to the market-place mortar explosion. I argue that Russia's shift to a realist great-power policy led to a crisis with the West as Russia sought to demonstrate its great power credentials, protect what it saw as specific Russian interests in the Balkans, and limit the role of NATO in conflict resolution, while Western leaders aimed to demonstrate NATO credibility and its new post-Cold War role as peace-keeper/peace-maker. This was the first major East-West crisis since the end of the Cold War, and Russian responses and actions foreshadowed its reactions to the Kosovo crisis.


Author(s):  
Damian Grenfell

In Chapter One Damian Grenfell argues that interventions are bound up with exogenous assertions of power that aim to reconfigure local populations not just in terms of a ‘liberal peace’, but also the creation of a sustainable form of modern nation-state. This tends to remain the case even in a period of intensifying globalisation. The first section of the chapter develops definitions of humanitarian-military interventions since the end of the Cold War and accounts for the massive expansion of capabilities that allow for the transgression of sovereignty during conflict. These interventions – as it is argued across the second section – reflect the dominance of the West in a post-Cold War world, as the deployment of material and discursive resources in sites of conflict conform largely to the contours of a liberal ideology. Building on and extending these arguments, the third section claims that critiques of liberal peace do not venture deeply enough into understanding power relations between interveners and the intervened. Rather, ideological assumptions of what constitutes ‘peace’ are manifestations of attempts to instill a particular form of modernity within societies, one that is clearly tied to the formation and consolidation of a nation-state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 9-31
Author(s):  
Sławomir L. Szczesio

This article analyses the international conditions during the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It is an outline of a broad research problem, a historical analysis from the perspective of the decades-long evolution of Yugoslavia’s international position. After its expulsion from the Eastern Bloc in 1948, the country balanced between East and West, becoming one of the founders and leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement. The author focuses on the aspect of Yugoslavia’s role in the politics of the West, especially the US and the EEC, during and at the end of the Cold War. It was the West that could, possibly, have played a role in preventing the disintegration of the country in the early 1990s, in contrast to the USSR, which had its own internal problems at that time. What factors influenced Western support for the SFRY during the Cold War? How did Yugoslavia’s position in Western politics change when the Cold War rivalry ended? The author points out the temporal connection between the disintegration of the SFRY and, among other things, the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and the Soviet Union, the democratisation process in Eastern Europe, German reunification, European integration, and the crisis in the Middle East. In the end, there was a lack of real and coherent action by Western countries to bring about a peaceful solution to the crisis in the Balkans. The consequence of this would be the disintegration of the SFRY and several years of war in the former Yugoslavia.


2001 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert David Johnson

Congress has received insufficient attention from scholars of Cold War foreign policy for a number of reasons, including historiographical patterns and the scattered nature of congressional sources. This gap in the literature has skewed our understanding of the Cold War because it has failed to take into account the numerous ways in which the legislature affected U.S. foreign policy after World War II. This article looks at Cold War congressional policy within a broad historical perspective, and it analyzes how the flurry of congressional activity in the years following the Vietnam War was part of a larger trend of congressional activism in foreign policy. After reviewing the existing literature on the subject of Congress and the Cold War, the article points out various directions for future research.


Lipar ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (74) ◽  
pp. 67-85
Author(s):  
Pavle Antonijevic

This paper examines the last two literary works of George Orwell with the aim to analyze his political beliefs. Although these works have remained characterized primarily as critiques of totalitarianism and the Stalinist version of socialism, the pur- pose of this study is to show Orwell’s attitude towards the ideas of socialism in theory with parallel comparison of Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four. Furthermore, in order to consider this problem more comprehensively, it was necessary to research the author’s attitude towards capitalism and liberalism. The article is divided into two main sections. The first section gives a brief overview of Orwell’s political evolution from the second to the fourth decades of 20th century. The second section examines the content of the books which are the subject of research. The article proves that Orwell remained committed to the ideas of democratic socialism in both of his liter- ary works. Portrayal of Orwell as an anti-socialist is unjustified and was formed due to the Cold War context in the West. Additionally, the article concludes that Orwell’s Animal Farm and 1984 contain a critique of capitalism and Western imperialism, which is more pronounced in Animal Farm as compared to 1984.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Xhavit Sadrijaj

NATO did not intervene in the Balkans to overcome Yugoslavia, or destroy it, but above all to avoid violence and to end discrimination. (Shimon Peres, the former Israeli foreign minister, winner of Nobel Prize for peace) NATO’s intervention in the Balkans is the most historic case of the alliance since its establishment. After the Cold War or the "Fall of the Iron Curtain" NATO somehow lost the sense of existing since its founding reason no longer existed. The events of the late twenties in the Balkans, strongly brought back the alliance proving the great need for its existence and defining dimensions and new concepts of security and safety for the alliance in those tangled international relations.


Author(s):  
Noor Mohammad Osmani ◽  
Tawfique Al-Mubarak

Samuel Huntington (1927-2008) claimed that there would be seven eight civilizations ruling over the world in the coming centuries, thus resulting a possible clash among them. The West faces the greatest challenge from the Islamic civilization, as he claimed. Beginning from the Cold-War, the Western civilization became dominant in reality over other cultures creating an invisible division between the West and the rest. The main purpose of this research is to examine the perceived clash between the Western and Islamic Civilization and the criteria that lead a civilization to precede others. The research would conduct a comprehensive review of available literatures from both Islamic and Western perspectives, analyze historical facts and data and provide a critical evaluation. This paper argues that there is no such a strong reason that should lead to any clash between the West and Islam; rather, there are many good reasons that may lead to a peaceful coexistence and cultural tolerance among civilizations


Author(s):  
Moeed Yusuf

This book is the first to theorize third party mediation in crises between regional nuclear powers. Its relevance flows from two of the most significant international developments since the end of the Cold War: the emergence of regional nuclear rivalries; and the shift from the Cold War’s bipolar context to today’s unipolar international setting. Moving away from the traditional bilateral deterrence models, the book conceptualizes crisis behavior as “brokered bargaining”: a three-way bargaining framework where the regional rivals and the ‘third party’ seek to influence each other to behave in line with their crisis objectives and in so doing, affect each other’s crisis behavior. The book tests brokered bargaining theory by examining U.S.-led crisis management in South Asia, analyzing three major crises between India and Pakistan: the Kargil conflict, 1999; the 2001-02 nuclear standoff; and the Mumbai crisis, 2008. The case studies find strong evidence of behavior predicted by the brokered bargaining framework. They also shed light on several risks of misperceptions and inadvertence due to the challenges inherent in signaling to multiple audiences simultaneously. Traditional explanations rooted in bilateral deterrence models do not account for these, leaving a void with serious practical consequences, which the introduction of brokered bargaining seeks to fill. The book’s findings also offer lessons for crises on the Korean peninsula, between China and India, and between potential nuclear rivals in the Middle East.


This handbook provides an overview of the emerging field of global studies. Since the end of the Cold War, globalization has been reshaping the modern world, and an array of new scholarship has risen to make sense of it in its various transnational manifestations—including economic, social, cultural, ideological, technological, environmental, and in new communications. The chapters discuss various aspects in the field through a broad range of approaches. Several chapters focus on the emergence of the field and its historical antecedents. Other chapters explore analytic and conceptual approaches to teaching and research in global studies. The largest section deals with the subject matter of global studies—challenges from diasporas and pandemics to the global city and the emergence of a transnational capitalist class. The final two sections feature chapters that take a critical view of globalization from diverse perspectives and essays on global citizenship—the ideas and institutions that guide an emerging global civil society. This handbook focuses on global studies more than on the phenomenon of globalization itself, although the various aspects of globalization are central to understanding how the field is currently being shaped.


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