Islam and the West: Coexistence or Clash?

2012 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 363-374
Author(s):  
Noor Mohammad Osmani ◽  
Tawfique Al-Mubarak
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Critical Evaluation ◽  
Western Civilization ◽  
Peaceful Coexistence ◽  
The West ◽  
Comprehensive Review ◽  
The World ◽  
Islamic Civilization ◽  
The Cold War

Samuel Huntington (1927-2008) claimed that there would be seven eight civilizations ruling over the world in the coming centuries, thus resulting a possible clash among them. The West faces the greatest challenge from the Islamic civilization, as he claimed. Beginning from the Cold-War, the Western civilization became dominant in reality over other cultures creating an invisible division between the West and the rest. The main purpose of this research is to examine the perceived clash between the Western and Islamic Civilization and the criteria that lead a civilization to precede others. The research would conduct a comprehensive review of available literatures from both Islamic and Western perspectives, analyze historical facts and data and provide a critical evaluation. This paper argues that there is no such a strong reason that should lead to any clash between the West and Islam; rather, there are many good reasons that may lead to a peaceful coexistence and cultural tolerance among civilizations

scholarly journals Turkey’ s Empowerment and Tendencies for Islamic Core State

SEEU Review ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-109
Author(s):  
Gurakuç Kuçi
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
World Order ◽  
Core State ◽  
The West ◽  
The Core ◽  
The World ◽  
Islamic Civilization ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Short Time

Abstract The end of the Cold War changed the world order. This change created opportunities for a short time to have an international hegemony to switch to international polycentrism. Huntington had anticipated and explained a confrontation and remake of the international order. This author explains that Islam as a civilization does not have a core state like other civilizations. Turkey today is one of these countries which is trying to take this role of the core state for Islamic civilization. The creation of the core state for Islamic civilization, and the making of all world civilizations with core states, pushed the world into the “civil-centrism” international detachment. However, Turkey as a core for Islam civilization, to the nuclearisation of Turkey can be done with the blessing and assistance of the “West”. Creating these civil-centrist centres also makes it possible to achieve peace and agreements in the global interest more easily.

scholarly journals The United Nations is grounded on the Westphalian state system. Throughout the de-colonizationperiod, the Organization ceased to be peculiar to the West only, and soon became the prevalent model in theentire globe. The Cold War also solidified and institutionalized the Westphalian State as the fundamentalprinciple in international relations. The end of the Cold War, however, along with the collapse of theEastern bloc, the challenges of peace and security in Africa, and the failure of the states in coping withhumanitarian crises increasingly made the three fundamental principles of Westphalian state, namely the“non-interventionism”, “sovereign-equality” and “territoriality” disputable among political scientists. Newapproaches and arguments on the end of the Classical Westphalian state and the emergence of a so-called“New Medieval Age” have widely been circulated. This paper alternatively suggests that, since the end of thecold war, the world politics has gradually and decisively been evolving into a system of states that could becalled Neo-Westphalian.

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 235-266
Author(s):  
Öner Buçukcu
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
United Nations ◽  
World Politics ◽  
State System ◽  
The West ◽  
Sovereign Equality ◽  
The World ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
The Cold War

The United Nations is grounded on the Westphalian state system. Throughout the de-colonizationperiod, the Organization ceased to be peculiar to the West only, and soon became the prevalent model in theentire globe. The Cold War also solidified and institutionalized the Westphalian State as the fundamentalprinciple in international relations. The end of the Cold War, however, along with the collapse of theEastern bloc, the challenges of peace and security in Africa, and the failure of the states in coping withhumanitarian crises increasingly made the three fundamental principles of Westphalian state, namely the“non-interventionism”, “sovereign-equality” and “territoriality” disputable among political scientists. Newapproaches and arguments on the end of the Classical Westphalian state and the emergence of a so-called“New Medieval Age” have widely been circulated. This paper alternatively suggests that, since the end of thecold war, the world politics has gradually and decisively been evolving into a system of states that could becalled Neo-Westphalian.

Victory

2019 ◽  
pp. 221-242
Author(s):  
Melvyn P. Leffler
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
The West ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
Democratic Capitalism ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Do So

This chapter argues that the West “won” the Cold War because statesmen made systems of democratic capitalism and social democracy work effectively. The challenge for democratic leaders throughout the world was to thwart the appeal of communism and co-opt revolutionary nationalist movements. To do so, they had to reinvent the role of government—not to supplant markets, but to make markets work more effectively and equitably. They avoided intracapitalist conflict, won the support of their own peoples, and created a culture of consumption that engendered the envy of peoples everywhere. In this contest over rival systems of political economy, the role of government was not the problem; it was part of the solution. But it had to be calibrated carefully.

The West and Elections in Nigeria

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-37
Author(s):  
Amadu Sesay ◽  
Charles Ukeje
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Socialist Country ◽  
The United States ◽  
The West ◽  
Essential Component ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War

The end of the cold war has made democratization, and its barest essential component elections, imperative for all nondemocratic forms of government. This is to be expected, given the dismal failure of the socialist alternative even in the first socialist country, the former Soviet Union. The United States, which is not only the foremost democracy in the world but also the only superpower, has been in the vanguard of democracy salesmanship. Africa, the continent with the least democratic space, has not been left out, as witnessed by President Bill Clinton’s unprecedented tour of the continent in March 1998.Understandably, Nigeria, arguably the most important country in Africa, was left out of the tour, since it was then under the obnoxious, undemocratic, and oppressive military regime of the late General Sani Abacha.

scholarly journals Beyond East–West: Marginality and National Dignity in Finnish Identity Construction

2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-716 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Browning ◽  
Marko Lehti
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Identity Construction ◽  
The West ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
Identity Narratives ◽  
The World ◽  
Historical Role ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
East West

Since the end of the Cold War it has become common for Finnish academics and politicians alike to frame debates about Finnish national identity in terms of locating Finland somewhere along a continuum between East and West. Indeed, for politicians, properly locating oneself (and therefore Finland) along this continuum has often been seen as central to the winning and losing of elections. For example, the 1994 referendum on EU membership was largely interpreted precisely as an opportunity to relocate Finland further to the West. Indeed, the tendency to depict Finnish history in terms of a series of “Westernizing” moves has been notable, but has also betrayed some of the politicized elements of this view. However, this framing of Finnish national identity discourse is not only sometimes politicized but arguably is also too simplified and results in blindness towards other identity narratives that have also been important through Finnish history, and that are also evident (but rarely recognized) today as well. In this article we aim to highlight one of these that we argue has played a key role in locating Finland in the world and in formulating notions of what Finland is about, what historical role and mission it has been understood as destined to play, and what futures for the nation have been conceptualized as possible and as providing a source of subjectivity and national dignity.

The Good Ship Oikoumene

Worldview ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 18 (11) ◽  
pp. 17-20
Author(s):  
Elliott Wright
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
World Council Of Churches ◽  
The West ◽  
The World ◽  
The Future ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
World Council ◽  
John Foster Dulles ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Present Understanding

The World Council of Churches was bom in the cold war era. That's important for present understanding. At its beginning John Foster Dulles warned against Christian obeisance to the “dictatorship of the proletariat.” And Josef L. Hromádka, the eminent Czech theologian, spoke of the future bliss of socialist “material trust, free responsibility and service.” The WCC has been repeatedly accused— notably but not exclusively by Western conservatives— of damning the evils of the West while closing its eyes to injustices in Communist lands. At the same time, doctrinaire Marxists dismiss the Council as a product of the West and therefore unable to understand or act upon socialism's criticism of capitalism.

scholarly journals NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT IN THE GLOBAL POLITICS ERA

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (8) ◽  
pp. 507-512
Author(s):  
Sheveta Sehgal
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Small Countries ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War

The drastic changes in the world scene in the 1990’s such as the declaration of the end of the Cold War. The Non-alignment movement had been perceived differently by the “aligned” of the East and the west. The NAM originally developed in the context of a bipolar world. In course of time other centers of power came up and used their military and economic capacities to bend the policies of newly- free or small countries to fit in with their strategies. Today even this multi polarity is less in evidence.

scholarly journals How ‘making the world in its own liberal image’ made the West less liberal

2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (5) ◽  
pp. 1353-1375
Author(s):  
Benjamin Miller
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Economic Effects ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
Economic Success ◽  
The West ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War

Abstract How did the attempt to make the world more liberal end up making the West less liberal? Following the end of the Cold War the US tried to promote liberalism in various parts of the world. This promotion took place under the liberal belief in its universality. A few of these attempts succeeded, most notably the integration of China into the global economy. Many other liberalizing endeavours failed, notably democracy-promotion in China, Russia and the Middle East. Yet, both the successes and the failures resulted in the rise of illiberal elements in the West as reflected in Brexit and Trumpism. The article shows how the outcomes of the attempts at liberalization—both the failures and the successes—generated these populist forces. The Chinese economic success took place at least partly because of the US-led integration of China into the international order. Yet, this success produced adverse economic effects in the West. Such outcomes led to the rise of economic populism. The American liberal interventions in the Middle East affected the rise of terrorism and of Muslim migration to the West. These developments influenced the rise of cultural populism in the West, which advances resentment of foreigners, migrants and minorities.

scholarly journals COVID-19 PANDEMIC IN THE CONTEXT OF HUMAN SECURITY

2021 ◽  
pp. 102-117
Author(s):  
Ahmet Nazmi ÜSTE, ◽  
Ahmet ODABAŞ
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Rapid Evolution ◽  
Human Security ◽  
The West ◽  
Evolution Of Viruses ◽  
Legal Texts ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Restrictive Measures ◽  
Near Future

The phenomenon of human security aims to combine security with human rights and freedoms as a product of the changing security perception of the West after the Cold War. The concept of human security has transformed security from the perception of “only the absence of threat” to a perception in which elements such as “fears and needs” are also taken into account. However, the new circumstance affected by COVID-19 and the measures taken to combat the pandemic have enforced us to experience a period in which human security is eroded, anxiety becomes the dominant emotion, dif􀏐iculties arise in meeting the existing needs as well as the new needs that are dif􀏐icult to meet. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the concept of human security has been abandoned and the classical protective-restrictive security approach has been adopted due to the wideness of the concept and its dif􀏐icult nature to de􀏐ine, which has criticised many times. In this process, sources such as the hierarchy of rights, the sociality of responsibility and the limit of freedom have constituted the legitimacy of the restrictive measures that had been taken. These extraordinary conditions, which are deemed appropriate for the limitation of rights and freedoms, are listed as a legitimate reason for the limitation of freedom in many legal texts. Another point that provides the legitimacy of struggle in extraordinary situations such as epidemic is the rarity of such cases. However, the world is faced with a problem that will destroy this source of legitimacy. While the world is changing rapidly, viruses that cause epidemics are not at a 􀏐ixed point. The rapid evolution of viruses and the spread of epidemics indicate the possibility of similar the outbreaks like the COVID-19 pandemic in the near future. For this reason, it will not be suf􀏐icient for concepts such as human security to be damaged in such extraordinary situations and to be amended again in the subsequent normalization processes. This study aims to analyze the human security phenomenon, the erosion that it has experienced during the COVID-19 pandemic, its underlying sources of legitimacy and the possible problems to be encountered.

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