Collective Bargaining as a Form of Employee Participation:

Author(s):  
Richard N. Block ◽  
Peter Berg

The purpose of this article is to examine the differing rationales for collective bargaining in the United States and Europe, and how these rationales affect the nature of participation through collective bargaining. The article shows how the basis for collective bargaining in the United States has been the removal of impediments to economic efficiency caused by disputes over union recognition, while in Europe it has generally been industrial pluralism and worker rights. In the United States, given the economic rationale for collective bargaining, in situations in which collective bargaining is perceived as impairing economic efficiency the scope of participation through collective bargaining is narrowed. On the contrary, the pluralistic and worker rights rationale for collective bargaining in Europe has resulted in deep collective worker participation at all levels on a range of matters ranging from national policy to work scheduling.

Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano

An American Language is a political history of the Spanish language in the United States. The nation has always been multilingual and the Spanish language in particular has remained as an important political issue into the present. After the U.S.-Mexican War, the Spanish language became a language of politics as Spanish speakers in the U.S. Southwest used it to build territorial and state governments. In the twentieth century, Spanish became a political language where speakers and those opposed to its use clashed over what Spanish's presence in the United States meant. This book recovers this story by using evidence that includes Spanish language newspapers, letters, state and territorial session laws, and federal archives to profile the struggle and resilience of Spanish speakers who advocated for their language rights as U.S. citizens. Comparing Spanish as a language of politics and as a political language across the Southwest and noncontiguous territories provides an opportunity to measure shifts in allegiance to the nation and exposes differing forms of nationalism. Language concessions and continued use of Spanish is a measure of power. Official language recognition by federal or state officials validates Spanish speakers' claims to US citizenship. The long history of policies relating to language in the United States provides a way to measure how U.S. visions of itself have shifted due to continuous migration from Latin America. Spanish-speaking U.S. citizens are crucial arbiters of Spanish language politics and their successes have broader implications on national policy and our understanding of Americans.


Author(s):  
Katherine Eva Maich ◽  
Jamie K. McCallum ◽  
Ari Grant-Sasson

This chapter explores the relationship between hours of work and unemployment. When it comes to time spent working in the United States at present, two problems immediately come to light. First, an asymmetrical distribution of working time persists, with some people overworked and others underemployed. Second, hours are increasingly unstable; precarious on-call work scheduling and gig economy–style employment relationships are the canaries in the coal mine of a labor market that produces fewer and fewer stable jobs. It is possible that some kind of shorter hours movement, especially one that places an emphasis on young workers, has the potential to address these problems. Some policies and processes are already in place to transition into a shorter hours economy right now even if those possibilities are mediated by an anti-worker political administration.


Author(s):  
Dick M. Carpenter

For decades, scholars have debated the purpose of U.S. education, but too often ignored how non-education-related power brokers define education or the requisite consequences.[Qu: Is there a different way of phrasing this? I'm not sure, in reading it, what you intend "the requisite consequences" to mean. Does this mean the results of education, or the consequences of inaccurate definitions of it? Also, may we rephrase "non-education-related power brokers" to something like "power brokers without education experience"?]This study examines how one of the most prominent categories of U.S. leaders, state governors, defines education and discusses the policy implications. We examine gubernatorial rhetoric—that is, public speeches—about education, collected from State of the State speeches from 2001 to 2008. In all, one purpose gains overwhelmingly more attention—economic efficiency. As long as governors and the general public, seen enthymematically through gubernatorial rhetoric, define education in economic terms, other purposes will likely remain marginalized, leading to education policies designed disproportionately to advance economic ends.


This chapter applies the ? model to the United States of America. By assuming that the US is a ‘world-system,' we can measure the economic efficiency of each state (and the District of Columbia). The model predicts an output floor based on the inputs of land and people as per-unit energy-equivalents. This expected output is then compared to the actual Gross State Product (GSP) as a per-unit energy-equivalent. States that are economically efficient register a positive residual, and hence a positive ? score. However, given potential measurement inaccuracies, states with low negative scores are also added to this efficient tier.


1982 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris T. Allen ◽  
Roger J. Calantone ◽  
Charles D. Schewe

Cross-cultural comparisons can prove helpful for pinpointing factors which underlie efficient energy use. This study examines differences in the attitudes of Swedes, Canadians, and Americans about energy conservation, as a vehicle for evaluating the energy policies of these nations. Although they are efficient energy users, the heavily regulated Swedes possess weaker perceptions of personal involvement and effectiveness with regard to their energy problems. Canadians seem to have a more realistic understanding of the energy situation, and are more sensitive to the economic rationale for conservation, possibly as a result of their government's conservation promotion campaigns. Implications of the findings for U.S. energy policy are discussed.


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