Law Enforcement and the Local Community

Author(s):  
James Sharpe

Ultimately, the enforcement of the criminal law in early modern England depended upon the co-operation and involvement of a number of parochial officers: in particular the parish constables, but also churchwardens and manorial jurors. Recently social historians examining local law enforcement have rejected the earlier tendency to disparage parochial officers and have emphasized the relative efficiency of local officers, the importance of the shifting relation between central authority and local society, and the implications of social and cultural change among the bulk of the population. This paper provides an overview of these themes, and stresses the importance of the law at all social levels in early modern England.

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-252
Author(s):  
Hans-Heinrich Nolte

It is argued that the political institutions of Muscovite Russia (Tsarstvo, adequately translated as kingdom in the early-modern times)—the meeting of the sobor (land) with its three voting bodies and the council of boyars (Duma) on the level of the Tsardom of Russia. As a whole, they were instruments of finding consensus between the Tsar and the powerful and rich groups of the ‘country’ (Zemlja) such as Church, nobility and big merchants. On the local level, autonomy and cooperation with the center in Moscow was established in the self-government (Mir) of villages and town-quarters (Sloboda), which also organised tax raising and other services for the government as quartering troops. Institutions of local law-enforcement (Guba) cooperated with the Ministry for law enforcement (razbojnik prikaz) in Moscow. Peter I (in the French way, by not convoking the sobor, ending the boyars’ council and founding new institutions in a new capital) established absolutism and Empire in Russia. As Putin said, ‘Historiography should neither date that change back nor render an image of Russia as immobile and centralistic by nature nor idealize the pre-Petrine system rendering an image of a ‘real Russia’ back in times.’


2021 ◽  
pp. 000276422110031
Author(s):  
Jennifer Sherman ◽  
Jennifer Schwartz

In this article, we provide an early glimpse into how the issues of public health and safety played out in the rural United States during the coronavirus pandemic, focusing on Washington State. We utilize a combination of news articles and press releases, sheriff’s department Facebook posts, publicly available jail data, courtroom observations, in-depth interviews with those who have been held in rural jails, and interviews with rural law enforcement staff to explore this theme. As elected officials, rural sheriffs are beholden to populations that include many who are suspicious of science, liberal agendas, and anything that might threaten what they see as individual freedom. At the same time, they expect local law enforcement to employ punitive measures to control perceived criminal activity in their communities. These communities are often tightly knit, cohesive, and isolated, with high levels of social support both for community members and local leaders, including sheriffs and law enforcement. This complex social context often puts rural sheriffs and law enforcement officers in difficult positions. Given the multiple cross-pressures that rural justice systems faced in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, we explore the circumstances in which they attempted to protect and advocate for the health and safety of both their incarcerated and their nonincarcerated populations. We find that certain characteristics of rural communities both help and hinder local law enforcement in efforts to combat the virus, but these characteristics typically favor informal norms of social control to govern community health. Thus, rural sheriff’s departments repeatedly chose strategies that limited their abilities to protect populations from the disease, in favor of appearing tough on crime and supportive of personal liberty.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amada Armenta

Deporting “criminal aliens” has become the highest priority in American immigration enforcement. Today, most deportations are achieved through the “crimmigration” system, a term that describes the convergence of the criminal justice and immigration enforcement systems. Emerging research argues that U.S. immigration enforcement is a “racial project” that subordinates and racializes Latino residents in the United States. This article examines the role of local law enforcement agencies in the racialization process by focusing on the techniques and logics that drive law enforcement practices across two agencies, I argue that local law enforcement agents racialize Latinos by punishing illegality through their daily, and sometimes mundane, practices. Investigatory traffic stops put Latinos at disproportionate risk of arrest and citation, and processing at the local jail subjects unauthorized immigrants to deportation. Although a variety of local actors sustain the deportation system, most do not see themselves as active participants in immigrant removal and they explain their behavior through a colorblind ideology. This colorblind ideology obscures and naturalizes how organizational practices and laws converge to systematically criminalize and punish Latinos in the United States.


1998 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 1191
Author(s):  
Heidi Webb Arnold ◽  
Cedric C. Brown ◽  
Arthur F. Marotti

2022 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael A. Hansen ◽  
John C. Navarro ◽  
Sierra A. Malvitz

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to explore the availability of information on law enforcement websites in the state of Wisconsin.Design/methodology/approachThe study conducted a content analysis of all 179 county and municipal local law enforcement agency websites within Wisconsin. The authors then implemented a comparative analysis that explored whether the quantity and quality of information available on law enforcement websites are similar to those of local governments and school districts. The authors then estimated models to test whether there is a relationship between the population size served and gender distribution of law enforcement departments to the availability of information on law enforcement websites.FindingsLaw enforcement websites contain a noticeable lack of information. The finding is even more apparent when comparing law enforcement websites to the websites of local governments and school districts. Finally, the authors show a positive link between information sharing on law enforcement websites and the proportion of the civilian staff at an agency that are women.Originality/valuePast studies that reviewed the make-up of law enforcement websites analyzed large law enforcement departments rather than local law enforcement departments, which notably represent the majority of most law enforcement departments. The authors also explicitly demonstrate that the commitment to information sharing is lagging within law enforcement websites compared to local-level governments. Future scholarship and law enforcement departments may benefit from exploring the employment of female civilians.


2004 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 39-42
Author(s):  
Christopher Varhola

Peacekeeping, even more than civil administration, requires significant adjustments by a military force. Although military forces have certain advantages, such as a centralized chain of command and a flexible decision-making apparatus, they also have certain disadvantages, including the focus on combat operations, sometimes to the exclusion of an understanding of indigenous power structures and socio-economic considerations. In Iraq, this was magnified by the military's lack of training in both the Arabic language and support activities, such as local law enforcement, government administration, and post-conflict reconstruction tasks ranging from maintenance of irrigation systems to the rebuilding of factories.


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