Women

Author(s):  
Mary Dodge

Women appear as white-collar offenders with far less frequency than do men, despite a contemporary workplace that offers more opportunities for female crime. High-level corporate positions for women that are conducive to elite deviance, however, remain relatively rare. Research on whether women are committing more white-collar crimes is inconclusive. On the victimization side of the equation, evidence is less equivocal. Both women and men are victimized by white-collar crime, but the nature of victimization is gendered. For some types of fraud, particularly reproductive medicine, women are more likely to be targets for illegal or unethical behavior. Occupational segregation increases the relative victimization risks for men and women in unique ways. This essay provides an in-depth exploration of female offending and victimization in occupational and corporate crime.

Author(s):  
Mary Dodge

Women and white-collar crime is a topic that has, overall, received little attention in the literature. Initially, women were omitted from discussion and research because of their lack of participation, though some early commentary focused on victimization. When Edwin Sutherland first drew public and academic attention to white-collar crimes, few women were employed in positions that were conducive to commit elite crimes related to occupations or professions. According to Sutherland, white-collar crime involved professional men in positions of trust. From 1939 until the 1970s, work on white-collar offenders and offenses was male-centric, which included both scholarly researchers who were exploring the topic and males committing the majority of crimes. Corporations and respected professionals, not women, were presented with a multitude of opportunities to engage in white-collar crimes with little or no serious consequences. Primarily male corporate executives, politicians, and medical professionals committed white-collar crimes that included, for example, activities such as price fixing, insider trading, bribery, insurance fraud, and Ponzi schemes. Women, who lacked opportunity outside the private sphere of the home, were less involved in crime overall and certainly were in no position to commit white-collar offenses. In the 1940s and 1950s, female crime was typically viewed as promiscuous, aberrant, and male-like behavior. Eventually, in the mid-1970s as more women moved into the public sphere seeking employment, early predictions by female scholars suggested that an increased involvement in white-collar crime was inevitable. The types of crimes committed by women, as noted by pioneering female scholars, were likely to expand beyond prostitution, check kiting, and shoplifting to white-collar offenses as opportunities became increasingly available in the public sphere. Gender inequality in most criminal endeavors continues to exist and more recent debates continue about the role of women in white-collar crime.


1990 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kitty Calavita ◽  
Henry N. Pontell

This study examines fraud in the savings and loan industry as a case study of white-collar crime. Drawing from extensive government reports, Congressional hearings, and media accounts, the study categorizes three types of savings and loan crime and traces them to the competitive pressures unleashed by deregulation in the early 1980s, within the context of a federally protected, insured industry. In addition, the study delineates the limitations of the enforcement process, focusing on the ideological, political, and structural forces constraining regulators. Although savings and loan crime is in many respects similar to corporate crime in the manufacturing sector, a relatively new form of white-collar crime, referred to as “collective embezzlement,” permeates the thrift industry. The study links the proliferation of collective embezzlement and other forms of thrift crime, as well as the structural dilemmas that constrain the enforcement process, to the distinctive qualities of finance capitalism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 145
Author(s):  
Mohammad Arief Amrullah ◽  
Revency Vania Rugebregt

Narcotics crimes that are part of organized crime are essentially one of crimes against development and crimes against social welfare that are central to national and international concerns and concerns. It is very reasonable, given the scope and dimensions so vast, that its activities contain features as organized crime, white-collar crime, corporate crime, and transnational crime. In fact, by means of technology can be one form of cyber crime. Based on such characteristics, the impacts and casualties are also very wide for the development and welfare of the community. It can even weaken national resilience.


Author(s):  
Eugene Schofield-Georgeson

This study investigates the use of coercive investigation powers in the context of corporate crime, based on a series of interviews with former Australian Securities and Investments Commission (‘ASIC’) enforcement officials and corporate lawyers. It argues that ASIC’s powers are well equipped to investigate corporate crime, but that ASIC rarely exercises these powers. In this respect, the article draws similar conclusions to the recent Royal Commission into Misconduct in the Banking, Superannuation and Financial Services Industry, but delves further, revealing how coercive powers are used and why they are seldom exercised in corporate criminal investigations. In accounting for this institutional failure, this study implicates a neoliberal agenda of deregulation and austerity that has permitted the regulator to be ‘captured’ by wealthy and powerful regulatees. The analysis is informed by a critical regulation approach to corporate crime that explains corporate or ‘white-collar’ crime and its enforcement through a sociological lens: as a result of unequal social relationships, primarily that of social class, that create disparities in legal and political power.


Criminology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Dodge

The inclusion of gender in the field of white-collar crime represents a relatively new and challenging area of study and research. The existing information on this topic is scarce, though research is emerging at a steady pace on women who commit offenses and on victimology. Several reasons explain the lack of attention on women who commit white-collar crime and patterns of victimization. First, historical research on people who commit offenses focused on men because they committed the highest number of crimes. Illegal activities committed by women were viewed as aberrations that rarely occurred. Initial empirical studies and theories in criminology were developed based on young male delinquents who were engaged in the majority of offenses and white-collar crimes remained anonymous deeds that, historically, received little recognition. The trend to study males holds true, despite the rising number of females who have become involved in the criminal justice system. Young boys and men continue to outpace women on almost all criminal offenses. Second, women were engaged in domestic duties that hindered their participation in the workforce. As a consequence of their status as wives, mothers, and homemakers the crimes women committed were related to prostitution, shoplifting, welfare fraud, and embezzlement. Women had few opportunities to commit corporate or occupational white-collar crime. Though women fought to gain equal rights, particularly in the workplace, high-level positions in corporations were rare and the glass ceiling prevented advancement in many companies. Third, until the mid-1970s few feminist scholars were active in the fields of criminology and criminal justice, which stunted growth in the area. Finally, the debates over definitional issues and lack of access to large data sources on white-collar crime stymied research efforts. The problematic nature of deciding what actions constitute white-collar crime emerged almost immediately after Edwin Sutherland’s 1939 presidential address at the American Society of Sociology (later renamed the American Sociological Association). Sutherland argued that a huge portion of crime committed by respectable businessmen in positions of power was being ignored, despite the serious harm caused by their actions. The myopic attention on street-level crime resulted in societal, scholarly, and journalistic failures to acknowledge suite-level offenses and victims. While scholarly efforts to explore white-collar crime grew, the idea that women might be involved failed to emerge until 1975. Incidents of women committing white-collar crime were so rare that fraudulent schemes were the exception to the rule. Scholars noted that low-level white-collar offenses by women, such as embezzlement, may be worth investigating, though many people believed these actions represented pink-collar crimes. The lack of opportunity in male dominated corporate and professional realms resulted in few women who participated in, for example, insider trading, Ponzi schemes, or price-fixing. A few female scholars, however, recognized that the issue was not about gender and the ability to commit white-collar crime, but instead depended on opportunity.


Criminology ◽  
2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sally S. Simpson

The meaning and definition of white-collar crime is deeply contested. Most criminologists recognize that white-collar crime is different from traditional “street” crime. Disagreements center on the scope of the behavior and who, ultimately, is classified as a white-collar offender. Generally, white-collar crimes are offenses conducted by guile or concealment that involve “upper world” offenders. Broad definitions of white-collar crime can include harmful acts which are not illegal (deviance) to more narrow definitions that are tied exclusively to violations of criminal law. Depending on which definition is used, white-collar offenders may include governments, businesses, chief executive officers, professionals, welfare cheats, and individuals who illegally download software or purposefully underreport income on their taxes.


Author(s):  
Wim Huisman

Corporate and white-collar crimes are crimes committed by managers or other professionals acting in an occupational or business-related context. These crimes are generally viewed as outcomes of rational decision making rather than opportunistic or impulsive behavior. This chapter addresses offender decision making in corporate and white-collar crimes. It builds from, as well as critically reflects on, the rationality paradigm of white-collar decision making. It discusses sociodemographic and psychological characteristics of the managers who commit these crimes and the organizational structures and corporate cultures of the firms that are involved. The chapter also describes the situations in which these crimes are committed, and it reviews research on the perception and evaluation of choice in white-collar and corporate crime settings. The chapter discusses implications of research on white-collar decision making for prevention and intervention of white-collar and corporate crime.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natasha Pusch ◽  
Kristy Holtfreter

Studying white-collar crime presents challenges due to definitional disputes, variation in units of analysis, lack of data, and the use of proxy measures. This study employed multilevel meta-analytic methods to shed light on these issues. A total of 602 effect sizes using occupational or corporate crime as the dependent variable were included ( N = 54,205 individuals and 6,425 corporations), with predictor domains reflecting individual and organizational characteristics. Deterrence and positive personal traits showed the largest significant bivariate and multivariate effect sizes, respectively. Moderator analyses suggest that effects are largely stable regardless of whether the dependent variable reflects behavioral intentions or actual behavior, or cross-sectional or longitudinal designs are used.


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