scholarly journals Standing Up for the Nations? Devolution and the Changing Territorial Role of Backbench MPs with Constituencies in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, 1992–2019

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Sheldon

Abstract At UK general elections, parties and candidates standing in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales give prominence to pledges to act on behalf of those territories. This article examines how far and in what ways MPs with constituencies in those parts of the UK actually seek to give representation to these territorial units once elected. A typology of forms of substantive parliamentary representation of sub-state units such as these is outlined, and results of a content analysis of Commons contributions by backbench MPs between 1992 and 2019 are presented. It is found that MPs from the parts of the UK with devolved legislatures focus extensively on the sub-state territorial level and that these MPs have adapted their representational styles to the changed institutional context following devolution. These findings have important implications for how we think about the roles of MPs from Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales in the post-devolution context.

Author(s):  
Tony Craig

As Minister of State in Northern Ireland 1974-1976, Stanley Orme MP (1923-2005) worked at the heart of British government policies that attempted to ameliorate and politicise the membership of those loyalist groups that had successfully brought down the power sharing executive in 1974. Orme followed and extended a government policy of often secret engagement of those outside the mainstream of Northern Ireland politics; a policy that successfully brought about the Provisional IRA’s 1975 ceasefire, but which failed to bring the UVF into electoral politics with the dismal performance of the Volunteer Political Party in the 1974 general elections. Orme’s approach, outlined in the 1975 pamphlet ‘Industrial Democracy’ encouraged workers’ participation in the newly nationalised Harland and Wolff shipyard and was a direct attempt to politicise the Protestant working classes of Belfast. Orme attempted to redirect their support away from both existing militant and right-wing groups that at this time included the UDA, UVF and Ulster Vanguard. Orme’s view was that skilled industrial workers belonged within the fold of progressive social democracy and that the extension of government-backed syndicalist activity in the ship yard would empower the workers and help shift Northern Ireland as a whole from sectarian models of political activity to a class based system similar to the rest of the UK. For Orme, ‘Industrial Democracy’ was the ‘Last Chance for Northern Ireland’ and a potential solution to the province’s ills, ‘If the working-class people of Northern Ireland can be convinced that, whatever their religious denominations, they have economic interests in common, they will be able to approach the constitutional problem… with open minds.’ (‘Last Chance for Northern Ireland?’, [undated] c. 1975 LSE Orme 1/3). Using a combination of Orme’s official and private papers, this chapter seeks to explore and critique Orme’s motivation, his policy, and its effect.


This chapter begins by covering the UK health profile, then defines the key concepts in primary care and public health, and outlines the generic long-term conditions model. It provides a brief overview of the National Health Service, including differences in England, Northern Ireland, Scotland, and Wales. It covers current NHS entitlements for people from overseas, commissioning of services, and public health in a broader context. It also describes health needs assessment, and provides an overview of the services in primary care, the role of general practice, and other primary healthcare services. Further services, including those to prevent unplanned hospital admission, aid hospital discharge, those that support children and families, housing, social support, and care homes are all covered.


Author(s):  
Margaret Arnott ◽  
Richard Kelly

This chapter discusses the role of smaller parties in the law-making process. General elections in the UK are conducted with an electoral system which militates against the representation of smaller political parties, particularly those having no strong support at the regional level. However, events at Westminster over the last decade have increased the prominence of smaller parties in the operation of parliamentary business. The chapter first considers the role of small parties in the UK Parliament, committees and legislation, as well as their participation in backbench debates before examining how the political and electoral context of Parliament, especially in the twenty-first century, has affected the representation of smaller parties and the ways in which reforms to parliamentary procedure since the 1980s have enhanced the role of the second opposition party. It suggests that Parliament today offers more opportunities for smaller political parties to influence debate and policy, but this remains quite limited.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrike M. Vieten ◽  
Fiona Murphy

This article explores the ways a salient sectarian community division in Northern Ireland frames the imagination of newcomers and the experiences of asylum seekers and refugees. We examine the dominant ethno-national Christian communities and how their actions define the social-spatial landscape and challenges of manoeuvring everyday life in Northern Ireland as an ‘Other’. We argue all newcomers are impacted to some degree by sectarianism in Northern Ireland, adding a further complexified layer to the everyday and institutional racism so prevalent in different parts of the UK and elsewhere. First, we discuss the triangle of nation, gender and ethnicity in the context of Northern Ireland. We do so in order to problematise that in a society where two adversarial communities exist the ‘Other’ is positioned differently to other more cohesive national societies. This complication impacts how the Other is imagined as the persistence of binary communities shapes the way local civil society engages vulnerable newcomers, e.g. in the instance of our research, asylum seekers and refugees. This is followed by an examination of the situation of asylum seekers and refugees in Northern Ireland. We do so by contextualising the historical situation of newcomers and the socio-spatial landscape of the city of Belfast. In tandem with this, we discuss the role of NGO’s and civil support organisations in Belfast and contrast these views with the experiences of asylum seekers and refugees. This article is based on original empirical material from a study conducted in 2016 on the experiences of asylum seekers and refugees with living in Northern Ireland.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 517-532
Author(s):  
Wil Chivers

Communications surveillance in the UK has been an increasingly contentious issue since the early 2000s. The Investigatory Powers Act 2016 is the result of a long series of attempts by the UK government to reform communications surveillance legislation. The consultations on this legislation—and on its precursor, the Draft Communications Data Bill 2012—offer unique insight into how such efforts generate resistance to surveillance. This article draws attention to the role of communications service providers (CSPs)—who are increasingly being responsibilised to collect and retain communications data—within a multi-actor network of resistance. It also identifies the reasons CSPs gave for resisting these proposed reforms. Content analysis of the consultation documents reveals three themes that were central to the CSPs’ arguments: technology, territory, and trust. The article concludes by considering the implications for understanding resistance to contemporary digital surveillance.


Author(s):  
Owen Barr ◽  
Bob Gates

This chapter provides an overview of the role of the independent care regulators across the UK and the Republic of Ireland. It provides information on arrangements for care regulators within the specific jurisdictions of Scotland, England, Wales, Northern Ireland, and the Republic of Ireland. This chapter outlines the role of the independent care regulators in both inspecting and supporting the development of quality in services. Nurses for people with intellectual disabilities need to have a rounded and balanced understanding of the role of these care regulators, as well as the standards and resources they provide, in order to maximize the quality of care provided to people with intellectual disabilities.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (12) ◽  
pp. 675-684 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shona N. Bennett ◽  
Mark Harrison ◽  
Michelle Gilmore ◽  
Daniel M. Bennett

GPs may be required to assist in the administration of Mental Health or Mental Capacity Legislation. Although infrequent, this process can be complicated and time consuming. Due to different legal systems, the role of the GP in civil commitment varies considerably throughout the UK. This article aims to give a brief overview of the main pieces of legislation in the different areas of the UK, England and Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, and to assist the GP in navigating the practicalities of applying the law to clinical cases.


Journalism ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Deacon ◽  
David Smith

This article examines the extent to which coverage of immigration issues has featured in mainstream national news coverage of six UK General Elections between 1992 and 2015. The six-phase content analysis charts shifts in the scale of coverage over this period that cannot be explained by reference to external factors alone, such as increases in net migration and growing public attentiveness to the issue. We show that since 2005, a disconnect has emerged between media coverage of the issue and external indicators of its scale and importance. The analysis also reveals a shift in the ownership of the immigration issue in formal campaign settings, with the UK Independence Party becoming the most dominant issue associate in electoral coverage of immigration issues.


Author(s):  
Sean Tunney

This article addresses how business and political journalists have covered transnational tax policy, an under-researched area. It analyses coverage of corporate taxation specifically where the power to decide on tax levels is devolved within a multinational state. The work considers how the UK press treated the plans to devolve and reduce corporation tax in Scotland and Northern Ireland, in the context of continued UK-wide reductions. A quantitative and qualitative content analysis illustrates that the sampled opinion and editorial framed around this issue was limited typically to the devolved territories’ ‘hybrid’ editions of the English/UK titles. This was despite the broader impact of varying rates on press readers in the rest of the United Kingdom. Journalists tended to adopt an ‘investor perspective’. A majority of commentary framed around corporation tax was focused on reducing the rate, while rarely considering the implications for government revenue. Nevertheless, importantly, Scottish coverage was bound up with broader political debates on independence.


2016 ◽  
Vol 131 (552) ◽  
pp. 1074-1104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rory Cormac

Abstract This article examines the role of the Information Research Department (IRD) in Northern Ireland during the first half of the 1970s. After discussing British conceptualisations of propaganda, it offers a detailed account of IRD activity, including how a Foreign Office department came to be involved in operations on British soil; how IRD propaganda fitted into the broader British state apparatus in Northern Ireland; the activity in which the IRD was engaged—both in Northern Ireland and beyond; and some of the challenges it faced, which ultimately limited the campaign’s effectiveness. It argues that the IRD’s role was driven by decisions taken at the very top of government and took shape against a context of financial cuts, a deteriorating security situation in Northern Ireland, and a tradition of domestic propaganda in the UK. The IRD sought to advance four key themes: exploiting divisions within the IRA; undermining the IRA’s credibility amongst the population; linking the IRA to international terrorism; and portraying the IRA as communist.


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