Left Turn: A Reassessment of the Communist Party of Great Britain in the Third Period, 1928-33

2000 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 353-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. WORLEY
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Left Turn ◽  
The Third

Alliances from Above and Below

2021 ◽  
pp. 81-114
Author(s):  
Nicholas Owen
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Main Difficulty ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Work ◽  
Communist Party Of India

This chapter concerns the campaigning of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its attempt to recruit British workers in solidarity with the Indian anti-imperialist struggle in the 1920s and 1930s. It begins by distinguishing three possible obstacles to a mass anti-imperialism in Britain: compromising interests, low salience, and poor political articulation. It argues that the first two were largely indeterminate – they had no single, directional implication for anti-imperialism – and that the weight of explanation must fall on the third, which was more determinate. It then examines the inter-relationships between four groups of political actors: the Communist International, the Indian émigré revolutionary groups directed – or in rivalry with – the Bengali revolutionary M.N. Roy to whom Comintern initially assigned its Indian work; the Communist Party of India (CPI) founded by Roy in October 1920, and the CPGB itself which was given first informal and from 1925 to 1934 formal responsibility for communist work in India. In each case it explores the strengths and weaknesses of their political work. It identifies the relationships between Indian and non-Indian actors as the key explanation, and the main difficulty in these relationships as the tension between communist internationalism and Indian nationalism’s commitment to self-directed and self-reliant national struggle. Terms such as sympathy, help and solidarity, the chapter argues, are not neutral: they define distinct, uneven relationships between those who act and those who benefit which are sometimes (not always) problematic.

The Essential E.P. Thompson, edited by Dorothy Thompson. New Press: New York, 2001. x + 498 pp. $45.00 cloth; $21.95 paper.

2004 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 183-188
Author(s):  
Bryan D. Palmer
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
New Left ◽  
Global Village ◽  
Left Turn ◽  
Bengali Literature ◽  
Missionary Work ◽  
The Great War

E.P. Thompson was nursed on a mother's milk of transatlantic missionary work and writings on the Middle East that reached back to the last half of the nineteenth century. Fathered on Bengali literature, the poetry of the Great War, cricket with the likes of Nehru, and the struggle for Indian independence, Thompson was born into a highly literate and deeply politicized global village. Small wonder that at seventeen he was an anti-fascist and a soldier. But he took a wide Left turn, following in a brother's footsteps, to become a Marxist and a Communist in his twenties, only to find himself, by 1956, donning dissident dress, leading an exodus from the Communist Party of Great Britain, building a revolutionary New Left in the seemingly unpropitious climate of the late 1950s.

scholarly journals The Rethinking of Great Britain’s Role: From the World Empire to the Nation State

2019 ◽  
pp. 129-145
Author(s):  
O. Zernetska
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Global State ◽  
The Third ◽  
The World ◽  
Commonwealth Of Nations ◽  
British Commonwealth ◽  
British Commonwealth Of Nations ◽  
Different Parts

In the article, it is stated that Great Britain had been the biggest empire in the world in the course of many centuries. Due to synchronic and diachronic approaches it was detected time simultaneousness of the British Empire’s development in the different parts of the world. Different forms of its ruling (colonies, dominions, other territories under her auspice) manifested this phenomenon.The British Empire went through evolution from the First British Empire which was developed on the count mostly of the trade of slaves and slavery as a whole to the Second British Empire when itcolonized one of the biggest states of the world India and some other countries of the East; to the Third British Empire where it colonized countries practically on all the continents of the world. TheForth British Empire signifies the stage of its decomposition and almost total down fall in the second half of the 20th century. It is shown how the national liberation moments starting in India and endingin Africa undermined the British Empire’s power, which couldn’t control the territories, no more. The foundation of the independent nation state of Great Britain free of colonies did not lead to lossof the imperial spirit of its establishment, which is manifested in its practical deeds – Organization of the British Commonwealth of Nations, which later on was called the Commonwealth, Brexit and so on.The conclusions are drawn that Great Britain makes certain efforts to become a global state again.

An assessment of carcass probes for use in Great Britain for the EC pig Carcass Grading Scheme

1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 427-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. L. Cook ◽  
J. P. Chadwick ◽  
A. J. Kempster
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Subcutaneous Fat ◽  
Optical Probe ◽  
Carcass Composition ◽  
Coefficient Of Determination ◽  
The Third ◽  
Slaughter Pigs ◽  
Fat Thickness ◽  
Statistical Criteria ◽  
Do So

ABSTRACTTo gain approval for use in the revised European Community (EC) Pig Grading Scheme to be introduced in 1989, methods of estimating carcass lean proportion must be shown to do so with a coefficient of determination greater than 0·64 and a residual s.d. of less than 25 g/kg. A trial was carried out to assess a number of methods for use in the EC Scheme as applied in Great Britain. Subcutaneous fat and m. longissimus depths at the head of the last rib and at the third/fourth from last rib were measured using the optical probe (OP), the Fat-O-Meater (FOM), the Hennessy Grading Probe II (HGP) and the Destron PG-100 Probe (DST) on a broad sample of 162 commercial carcasses representative of the ranges in fatness and weight found nationally. The left side of each carcass was separated into component tissues. Although the instruments all achieved similar levels of accuracy in predicting carcass lean proportion, some differences were found. The DST just failed to reach the required statistical criteria for approval in the EC Scheme. The results for the other three instruments were submitted to Brussels as evidence of suitability and they have been approved.Using the regression relationships found between carcass composition and fat thickness together with results from earlier studies, it was estimated that the carcass separable fat proportion of British slaughter pigs has fallen at the annual rate of 7 g/kg since 1975.

Diplomatie en «Realpolitik» : Aspecten van de Belgische politieke en diplomatieke relaties met het Derde Rijk, 1933-1935

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-242
Author(s):  
Guido Convents
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
International Security ◽  
Third Reich ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
Nazi Regime ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
First Moment

Although Belgian diplomats analysed the nazi-regime from the very first moment as intrinsically crimina!, inhuman, dictatorial and revenge seeking, they showed the nazis in 1934-1935 that dialogue was possible.  The nazi-diplomacy, with secrecy as a keystone, permitted some of the most important Belgian politicians and businessmen to meet the.nazi-leaders without being disapproved by public opinion or even parliament.  This resulted in a «practical» way to improve political and above all economical relations between Belgium and nazi-Germany. It can be seen as a Belgian answer to the inability of France and Great Britain to force the Third Reich to respect the international security treaties which were to guarantee the sovereignty of Belgium.

On the way to the Soviet Mexico: the Comintern and the Communist Party of Mexico at the period of its illegal activities, 1929-1934

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-60
Author(s):  
Victor Jeifets ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Great Difficulty ◽  
Left Turn ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
Illegal Activities ◽  
The Unemployed ◽  
Lazaro Cardenas ◽  
Intensive Development

This article deals with the evolution and peculiarities of the policy of Mexican communists who were forced to operate underground after the beginning of the "left turn" in the late 1920s. During this period, the CPM actually abandoned its own interpretation of the problems of the revolution in its country, being satisfied with the policies and assessments of the Comintern apparatus. The author's attention is paid to both the party's course towards attempts to penetrate the army structures, as also to new forms of activity (after the collapse of the policy of broad alliances) in the labor movement, among the unemployed and peasant organizations; they were all aimed at achieving the goal of the seizure of power by the workers and peasants; in 1929-1934 the Communist Party of Mexico virtually excluded the anti-imperialist component from its sphere of activity. The crisis in the reformist sector of the labor movement contributed to the intensive development of an independent labor movement, the path to which the Mexican Communists tried to find, however, this activity was complicated by the presence of a number of serious competitors. During this period, the communists concentrated their efforts on working in the nation-wide branch trade unions, which created the groundwork for new growth. At the same time, the CPM did not understand neither the significance of the figure of the progressive politician Lazaro Cardenas, nor the consequences of the regrouping within the ruling elites, and with great difficulty renounced sectarian politics.

A miner cause?

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daryl Leeworthy
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Significant Proportion ◽  
Alternative Form ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Entire Life ◽  
British State ◽  
Plaid Cymru

If twentieth century politics in Wales has largely been defined by class, and therefore along the typical cleavage of Labour versus Conservative; it is nevertheless true that for a significant proportion of Welsh activists and voters, the cleavage is between nation and union (identifiable with the British state). Closely identified with Plaid Cymru, the Welsh nationalist party, a political manifestation of the Welsh nation was a direct inheritance from nineteenth-century liberalism and its persistence for much of the postwar period was a result of the persistence of that form of politics. But there was an alternative form of left nationalism that emerged through the Communist Party of Great Britain, which this chapter focuses its attention on. Beginning in the 1930s, and spanning almost the entire life of the party thereafter, communists engaged with and developed ideas about nationalism, nationhood and national liberation. This chapter considers the development of these ideas and argues that rather than Plaid Cymru, it was the Communist Party of Great Britain that enabled the persistence of left-nationalist thought and action after 1945 and that it was, to a large extent, communist activists who were the most consistently nationalist in that period.

The Volunteers

2020 ◽  
pp. 34-62
Author(s):  
Fraser Raeburn
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Collective Identities ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Popular Memory ◽  
The Many ◽  
New Evidence

Of the many ways that Scots responded to the war in Spain, those who joined the International Brigades have always been at the centre of historical and popular memory. This chapter seeks to establish exactly who these volunteers were and what connections they shared before coming to Spain, offering detailed new evidence and analysis regarding their collective identities. Instead of viewing them as a relatively small, disparate collection of individuals, it is shown that the Scottish volunteers were heavily clustered along the lines of geography, class and political affiliations. Rather than understanding these volunteers as the representatives of Scotland, or even the Scottish left, it is argued that they are best understood as a more concentrated mobilisation of quite narrow socio-political sphere, defined by formal and informal links to the Communist Party of Great Britain.

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