Public relations and emerging functions of the public sphere: An analytical framework

2002 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inger Jensen
2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (6) ◽  
pp. 587-603 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tuomas Ylä-Anttila ◽  
Juho Vesa ◽  
Veikko Eranti ◽  
Anna Kukkonen ◽  
Tomi Lehtimäki ◽  
...  

Building on theories of valuation and evaluation, we develop an analytical framework that outlines six elements of the process of consolidation of an idea in the public sphere. We then use the framework to analyse the process of consolidation of the idea of climate change mitigation between 1997 and 2013, focusing on the interplay between ecological and economic evaluations. Our content analysis of 1274 articles in leading newspapers in five countries around the globe shows that (1) ecological arguments increase over time, (2) economic arguments decrease over time, (3) the visibility of environmental nongovernmental organizations as carriers of ecological ideas increases over time, (4) the visibility of business actors correspondingly decreases, (5) ecological ideas are increasingly adopted by political and business elites and (6) a compromise emerges between ecological and economic evaluations, in the form of the argument that climate change mitigation boosts, rather than hinders economic growth.


Author(s):  
A.I. Soloviev

Referring to the traditional interpretations of “public policy”, the author substantiates the need for analytical correction of its content on the basis of identifying universal parameters of publicity, reflecting a special format of open (public) relations between the state and society. In this context, there are three social spaces of the public sphere, each of which determines the possibilities of implementing the course of citizens' participation in the management and strengthening the social orientation of government policy. The features of the implementation of such a variant of state public policy in modern Russia are briefly outlined.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13(49) (1) ◽  
pp. 151-166
Author(s):  
Robert Szwed

The free circulation of information in an open and unfettered public sphere is one of the foundations of well-functioning democracies. For theirs proper functioning, access to reliable information is necessary, which — reaching citizens — allows them to make the right decisions and control power. Many factors should be taken into account when analysing the information production process in new and traditional media: publishers-media owners, advertisers-business, communication technologies, public relations institutions, and now algorithms. An important element are also consumers and prosumers of media content, who try to participate in the media flow of information in a more competent or less competent way. The emergence of communication platforms that redistribute information has revolutionized the relationship between the elite, the media, and the public. More importantly, it contributed to the crisis of the public sphere, trust, and defragmentation of societies. Confused citizens are bombarded with information whose sources they cannot assess and disinformation, fake news, and post-truth have permanently entered the popular dictionary, replacing „unfashionable” propaganda and censorship. The aim of the article will be to analyse the current state of the media sphere through the prism of the weaknesses of traditional journalism, insufficient competences of recipients and uncontrolled flow of information controlled by the attention management industry.


2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-204
Author(s):  
Wayne Hope

The arrival of this book last November (2006) was a landmark event for political journalism in New Zealand. There had been rumours about exposé of National Party links with the Exclusive Brethren sect and wealthy corporate donors.  This kind of journalism is rarely attempted within New zealand's mainstream media organisations. Consequently, the public sphere is routinely shaped by the market researchers, public relations practitioners and micro-managing spin doctors. The reception accorded to Hager's book illustrates this process. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 114-133
Author(s):  
Samia Saadani ◽  
Nicolas Balas ◽  
Florence Rodhain

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to shed some light on the paradoxes of mainstream French anti- racism regarding Islamophobia. The authors focus on the driving role played by French republican values in the recurring inability of anti-racist activism, and anti-islamophobia in particular, to act upon the structural character of racism in France.Design/methodology/approachThe authors’ analysis draws on a longitudinal and qualitative investigation of the “Sud-Education 93” controversy (SE93). The authors use the analytical framework provided by controversy studies in order to focus on the aftermath, in the public sphere, of the organisation by a French labour union of a minority-only workshop designed to provide teachers with a space for expression and purposeful guidance, in order to face Islamophobia and racism issues within French public schools. The authors collected an exhaustive set of data about the comments, criticisms and debates that emerged in the public sphere as a reaction to the workshop. The authors drew on situational analysis methodology, providing controversy analysts with several power-mapping techniques, in order to conduct a discursive analysis of the statements and claims made by the protagonists of the controversy.FindingsFirst, the authors’ insights point out that French Islamophobia relies on the myth of the universal republican citizen that acts as a context-specific form of colour-blindism. Second, the authors shed light on the discursive and relational mechanisms that characterise the denial of Islamophobia undertaken by political actors who use “reverse racism” arguments as a form of backlash, i.e. a strategy of “fragility” (DiAngelo, 2018) consisting in maintaining artificially a never-ending controversy over Islamophobia. Finally, the authors discuss the role played by these strategies of fragility in the recurring rejection of anti-islamophobia activism in France and the limitations and prospects they embody for future forms of anti-racist strategies.Research limitations/implicationsThe Latourian perspective adopted in the paper focuses on the implications of the controversy over Islamophobia within the public sphere. The authors’ fieldwork suggests, however, that the internal dynamics of minority-only organisations embodies sites and répertoires of micro-contestation capable of bypassing on the short run, and perhaps overthrowing, the power of French hypocrisy about anti-racism and the backlash processes the authors observed in the public sphere.Originality/valueThe authors’ contribution lies in the in-depth analysis of “reverse racism” rhetorics as a strategy of fragility and its implications in terms of colour-blindism and backlash.


Publizistik ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-116
Author(s):  
Christian Sommer

Author(s):  
Oksana Zavyalova ◽  

Introduction. In this article, the public events that took place in Russia during the early years of the reign of Alexander II are considered as one of the forms of interaction between the government and the public. Methods and materials. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study was the concept of modernization and the theory of the public sphere of J. Habermas, which made it possible to analyze the relationship between the government and the public in Russia as an outwardly expressed and situationally determined social interaction in the context of preparing modernization transformations. The basis of the research is made by memoirs and correspondence of statesmen and public figures. Analysis. It is noted that dinners on the occasion of anniversaries and celebrations in honour of the Sevastopol Defense heroes, as well as other celebrations in the context of the socio-political upsurge of the 1850s, turned into government-public channels, through which representatives of the Russian educated society tried to convey the transformative ideas generated in the public environment to the autocratic power. Results. In the first years of the reign of Alexander II, under the influence of a complex of factors, there was a qualitative change in the public sphere in Russia as an interaction zone between the government and educated society towards the formation of a subject-subject government-public relations model, characterized by the desire of both the public and the government to take into account the interests and needs of each other friend to achieve a common goal – the preparation and implementation of a set of reforms.


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