China's three-children policy will see limited success

Significance This year it increased the limit to three. The one-child policy has served more to exacerbate than to alleviate demographic problems, leaving China with an ageing population and shrinking workforce much sooner than other countries at this stage of economic development. Impacts Rising infertility will play a part in depressing birth rates. Vested interests and the government's proclivity for social control will prevent the wholesale abolition of family planning. National and local authorities will introduce policies to promote reproduction; not all of them will necessarily be socially liberal.

Subject The impact of the end of China's one-child policy. Significance Faced with an ageing population and shrinking workforce, China has abandoned the 'one-child policy' it enforced for nearly four decades. Two years on, however, the impact has been muted. Impacts The increase in the second-child fertility rate will be short-lived. Economic, social and cultural considerations will prevent many couples having a second child, despite the reform. Reducing urban pollution and offering more generous provisions for new parents could increase the fertility rate.


Kybernetes ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 559-586 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naiming Xie ◽  
Ruizhi Wang ◽  
Nanlei Chen

Purpose This paper aims to analyze general development trend of China’s population and to forecast China’s total population under the change of China’s family planning policy so as to measure shock disturbance effects on China’s population development. Design/methodology/approach China has been the most populous country for hundreds of years. And this state will be sustained in the forthcoming decade. Obviously, China is confronted with greater pressure on controlling total scale of population than any other country. Meanwhile, controlling population will be beneficial for not only China but also the whole world. This paper first analyzes general development trend of China’s population total amount, sex ratio and aging ratio. The mechanism for measurement of the impact effect of a policy shock disturbance is proposed. Linear regression model, exponential curve model and grey Verhulst model are adopted to test accuracy of simulation of China’s total population. Then considering the policy shock disturbance on population, discrete grey model, DGM (1, 1), and grey Verhulst model were adopted to measure how China’s one-child policy affected its total population between 1978 and 2015. And similarly, the grey Verhulst model and scenario analysis of economic developing level were further used to forecast the effect of adjustment from China’s one-child policy to two-child policy. Findings Results show that China has made an outstanding contribution toward controlling population; it was estimated that China prevented nearly 470 million births since the late 1970s to 2015. However, according to the forecast, with the adjustment of the one-child policy, the birth rate will be a little higher, China’s total population was estimated to reach 1,485.59 million in 2025. Although the scale of population will keep increasing, but it is tolerable for China and sex ratio and trend of aging will be relieved obviously. Practical implications The approach constructed in the paper can be used to measure the effect of population change under the policy shock disturbance. It can be used for other policy effect measurement problems under shock events’ disturbance. Originality/value The paper succeeded in studying the mechanism for the measurement of the post-impact effect of a policy and the effect of changes in China’s population following the revision of the one-child policy. The mechanism is useful for solving system forecasting problems and can contribute toward improving the grey decision-making models.


Subject Economic policy in China. Significance Details of the 13th Five-Year Plan, which will set China's economic policy to 2020, have emerged following the annual plenary meeting of the Communist Party's Central Committee last month. Impacts Doubling GDP by 2020 will be difficult under a 6.5% growth target, especially with greater focus on 'quality' growth. Reforms of the one-child policy and social security system are uncontroversial and will not have significant near-term impact. The absence of personnel announcements may suggest that Xi no longer needs Central Committee approval to appoint (and remove) key personnel.


Author(s):  
Martin K. Whyte

For centuries, China has had the world’s largest population, although it will soon lose that title to India. When Mao Zedong and his colleagues seized national power in 1949, they were not sure how many Chinese there were (the first modern census was not conducted until 1953), and Mao initially argued that having a large and rapidly increasing population was a blessing for China, rather than a curse. However, the challenges of managing such a large and poor country soon changed the official view, and during some intervals in the 1950s and 1960s, China carried out voluntary family planning campaigns to try to reduce the birth rate. However, those campaigns were largely ineffective, with the only notable decline in fertility during those decades produced by the Great Leap Forward–induced mass famine of 1959–1961, not family planning efforts. As of 1970 the projected number of babies the average Chinese mother would have in her lifetime (termed the total fertility rate [TFR]) was still close to six. (China’s cities, where less than 20 percent of the population lived at the time, is an exception to these generalizations, with the 1960s family planning campaign playing some role in reducing the urban TFR in 1970 to 3.2.) Early in the 1970s, when Mao was still in charge (he died in 1976), China made a dramatic shift from voluntary family planning to mandatory birth limits under the slogan, “later (marriage ages), longer (birth intervals), and fewer” (births—no more than two babies for urban families and three for rural families). The “later, longer, fewer” campaign was enforced very strictly, using many of the coercive measures that later became notorious during the one-child campaign, and China’s fertility rate fell dramatically, to less than three per mother by the end of the decade. Despite this success, in 1980 the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) launched an even more demanding and coercive campaign that attempted for the next thirty-five years to limit Chinese families to having only one child. The fertility rate actually went up in the early 1980s but then began to decline again, reaching subreplacement fertility (TFR = 2.1) by the early 1990s. Most experts estimate that China’s TFR fluctuated in the 1.4 to 1.6 range between 2000 and 2015, although some analysts have calculated higher figures, and others lower. The CCP in late 2015 decided to end the one-child limit, with Chinese families since January 1, 2016 allowed to have two children (but no more, at least as of 2019). Debates about the controversial one-child policy have spawned a large literature that examines many issues, including the reasons the CCP launched this campaign, how effective it was in reducing birth rates further, what human rights abuses resulted, how child-rearing and children have been affected, and in what ways Chinese society and the people of China have benefited or have been harmed by the demographic distortions produced by mandatory, state-enforced birth limits.


Subject The abolition of the one-child policy. Significance As of January 1 this year, the law permits all married couples in China to have two children, abolishing the 'one-child policy' in place since 1980 -- a move the government believes will increase the supply of labour and ease the pressures of an ageing society. Impacts Abolishing the one-child policy will not be enough to address labour shortages and the problems of an ageing society. More births will soon boost consumption in areas such as food, clothing and education. In the short term, more births will increase the dependency ratio, which is already rising due to ageing. The net addition to China's population will be limited, and its economic impact will accrue only gradually over many years.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (6) ◽  
pp. 800-822 ◽  
Author(s):  
Min Qin ◽  
Jane Falkingham ◽  
Sabu S. Padmadas

SummaryAlthough China’s family planning programme is often referred to in the singular, most notably the One-Child policy, in reality there have been a number of different policies in place simultaneously, targeted at different sub-populations characterized by region and socioeconomic conditions. This study attempted to systematically assess the differential impact of China’s family planning programmes over the past 40 years. The contribution of Parity Progression Ratios to fertility change among different sub-populations exposed to various family planning policies over time was assessed. Cross-sectional birth history data from six consecutive rounds of nationally representative population and family planning surveys from the early 1970s until the mid-2000s were used, covering all geographical regions of China. Four sub-populations exposed to differential family planning regimes were identified. The analyses provide compelling evidence of the influential role of family planning policies in reducing higher Parity Progression Ratios across different sub-populations, particularly in urban China where fertility dropped to replacement level even before the implementation of the One-Child policy. The prevailing socioeconomic conditions in turn have been instrumental in adapting and accelerating family planning policy responses to reducing fertility levels across China.


1987 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quanhe Yang

SummaryThis paper examines the level and trend of fertility in Huaibei Plain, Anhui province, China, since 1950 and considers some determinants of fertility decline. The data used are from the 1/1000 survey of China which was conducted by the Family Planning Commission in 1982.Fertility decline among younger women (aged under 30) is largely due to later age at marriage, the marriage pattern of Huaibei Plain having changed from early and universal marriage to later and universal marriage. Current use of contraception suggests that the family planning programme, in particular the one-child policy (1979), has been the major determinant in fertility decline. The greatest decline in marital fertility occurred among women aged 35+ and is primarily due to contraceptive practice and induced abortion.


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