scholarly journals A global community‐sourced assessment of the state of conservation technology

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Talia Speaker ◽  
Stephanie O'Donnell ◽  
George Wittemyer ◽  
Brett Bruyere ◽  
Colby Loucks ◽  
...  
2019 ◽  
pp. 137-204
Author(s):  
Mohammed A. Bamyeh

Does the historical experience of Islam as a global religion offer general lessons about global order today? Muslims have historically referred to a world in which they could be citizens that was much larger than their locality: Dar al-Islam. This chapter identifies three properties that have lent deep and felt meaning to this otherwise amorphous concept: partial control, free movement, and cultural heteroglossia. Partial control meant that for Muslims the state was only one among many other authorities that were equally legitimate, and where multiple loyalties were the norm. Free movement of people was a natural corollary to the centrality of commerce in Muslim economies, pilgrimage routes, and the global structure of educational networks. Cultural heteroglossia refers to the ways by which the diversity of Muslim communities around the world appeared unproblematic, so that Muslims could continue to imagine themselves as a single global community, even though they rarely needed to act that way. The chapter concludes by exploring how those properties could be integral to a global order today.


Illuminatio ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-135
Author(s):  
Ferid Muhić

In this article, the author suggestively points to the importance of understanding the concept of nation and the state in the context of the European philosophical thought and practice regarding the nation and the state. Although the occasion is about the Bosniak/Bosnian nation and the Bosnian state, the author’s reflections are applicable to all groups similar to the Bosniak/Bosnain nation, as well as to all the states similar to the Bosnian state. The basic premise of this article is that the idea of a universal nationality, culture and civilisation does not oppose or negate the particular feeling or the subjective experience of either the nationality or the state. The membership of European Union does not detract the right for any nation in Europe of the right to cultivate and develop its national culture as well as its particular state consciousness. In fact, in the extent of which every nation and every state in Europe has an active awareness of its national and cultural specific value, gives Europe, indeed – the European Union strong and important role in the global community. Hence, the Bosniaks/Bosnians, both as a nation and a state (nation) have no need to withdraw, but rather have the historical opportunity to feature their specific Bosnian culture and Bosnian state as a richness worthy of appreciation, not only in Europe, but also in the world. 


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 187-188
Author(s):  
Russell Muirhead

Communitarianism has long suffered from vagueness: what is community? What about it, if anything, is necessary or good? What are the boundaries of morally relevant communities? Often those who attend to the claims of community tender these questions with too little rigor. Not so Andrew Mason. His new book has three main purposes: to map the meaning of community, to assess the claims of political community in relation to communities below the level of the state, and to evaluate the claims of political communities with respect to the global community. In addition to a number of rigorous and thoughtful clarifications and a comprehensive overview of recent debates between liberalism and its critics, the book offers arguments of its own which are often more bold than its judicious manner suggests. It deserves careful attention by all who have attempted to sort through the tensions between liberalism and community.


Author(s):  
Sujata Arya ◽  
Srijoy Deb ◽  
Virendra Singh Thakur

This article aims to understand the limitations in enforcing state responsibility on a state of Origin for Trans boundary harm caused by a health emergency by analyzing the factors of force majeure, multiparty involvement, and inability to provide reparations, and the unclear source of the virus as the chief hindrances in prosecuting such states. The authors further explore the various conditions that triggered other PHEICs in history and the consequences and actions taken due to the trans-boundary harm caused. Furthermore, the article also studies the conditions that gave rise to the wet markets and traces the shortcomings in law that hurt the Origin of the virus. After that, the article studies how countries have failed to invoke the state responsibility of trans-boundary harm caused by a PHEIC.  Lastly, the article further delves into how Chinese authorities blame both pre and post-outbreak and examine how the global community can negotiate with China for adequate compensation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patti Tamara Lenard

Citizenship status is meant to be secure, that is, inviolable. Recently, however, several democratic states have adopted or are considering adopting laws that allow them the power to revoke citizenship. This claimed right forces us to consider whether citizenship can be treated as a “conditional” status, in particular whether it can be treated as conditional on the right sort of behavior. Those who defend such a view argue that citizenship is a privilege rather than a right, and thus in principle is revocable. Participating in a foreign state's military, treason, spying, or committing acts that otherwise threaten the national security of one's state may all warrant revocation. This article assesses the justifications given for the claimed power to revoke citizenship in democratic states and concludes that, ultimately, such a power is incompatible with democracy.I begin with a brief account of the claims given by contemporary democratic states for the “right to revoke.” Democratic citizenship is today commonly understood to beegalitarian, that is, it protects an equal basic package of rights for all citizens; and to be “the highest and most secure legal status,” that is, it is meant to be secure from unilateral withdrawal by the state. Formally, many democratic states have revocation laws on the books, but most of these have long been in disuse. Although I argue in this article that all revocation laws are inconsistent with democratic citizenship, I focus on the recent surge in proposed and implemented revocation laws, which are justified as essential to protecting national security.In the second section I outline three reasons to object to revocation laws. First, revocation laws discriminate between citizens based on their citizenship status. Second, since they single out those who are eligible for revocation, they apply unequal penalties for the same crime. Third, they are inadequately justified, in general, but also particularly to those who may be subject to them, because they are not adequately connected to the policy goal they are said to fulfill. I conclude with some brief observations concerning the ways in which revocation permits states to abrogate their shared responsibility for protecting the global community from dangerous individuals.


Author(s):  
T. A. Welton

Various authors have emphasized the spatial information resident in an electron micrograph taken with adequately coherent radiation. In view of the completion of at least one such instrument, this opportunity is taken to summarize the state of the art of processing such micrographs. We use the usual symbols for the aberration coefficients, and supplement these with £ and 6 for the transverse coherence length and the fractional energy spread respectively. He also assume a weak, biologically interesting sample, with principal interest lying in the molecular skeleton remaining after obvious hydrogen loss and other radiation damage has occurred.


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