THE SOCIAL AND THE REAL: POLITICAL ART OF THE 1930s IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE BY ALEJANDRO ANREUS, DIANA L LINDEN, AND JONATHAN WEINBERG (EDS), REVOLUTIONARY TIDES, THE ART OF THE POLITICAL POSTER, 1914–1989 BY JEFFREY T SCHNAPP (ED.), BOTERO ABU GHRAIB ESSAY BY DAVID EBONY AND THE ABU GHRAIB EFFECT BY STEPHEN F EISENMAN

The Art Book ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 42-43
Author(s):  
SUSAN NOYES PLATT
1938 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 89-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gustav Mayer

The present study is based on the vast number of letters written by and addressed to Lassalle, which have only been discovered during the last twenty years, and which have hitherto hardly been regarded seriously by historians. This study does not deal with the theories of the famous propagandist, but only with his political activity. It investigates his real motives for drafting the programme of the Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverein; for what he was agitating; and why he failed to attain his object. A short analysis of the internal situation of Prussia adds to a better understanding of the real possibilities, of Lassalle's schemes.Special attention has been paid to the arguments which Lassalle used to convince Bismarck of the necessity of granting a general suffrage—the principal item of his programme—, and the analysis of his attitude towards the monarchial system of Poland and the caesarism of Napoleon III. His friend Rodbertus wanted to persuade him that caesarism was the "signatura temporis" for future Europe, and that consequently the dictatorial system had far better chances to succeed in solving the problem of the proletariat than democracy. But Lassalle was too much of a politician to let himself be persuaded that in the long run it would be possible to divorce the social elements from politics.Finally the author compares the way in which Lassalle tried to influence the political outlook of his age with that of his rivals Marx and Engels.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 149-163
Author(s):  
Teresa Mora

In this article, political art is perceived at the confluence of four trends in artistic practices today: the social turn, the reality urgency, the utopian impulse, and the collaborative practices. This confluence is articulated on the assumption that political art practices are, at least to a certain point, enhancing the transition to a collaborative model between artistic culture and social scientific and philosophical culture. Framed by this double perspective on art – political and collaborative –, this article is drawn from a major study about the House on Fire European network of festivals and theatres. The qualitative data that support this research consists of House on Fire’s activity plans and programmes from 2012 to 2015. The qualitative data was also analysed by resorting to research notes taken by the researcher in the position of spectator. This study is guided by the following aims: to explore the political agency position of House on Fire; to identify the focus of society criticism in the House on Fire’s programmes; and to construct an exploratory typology of collaborative modalities between artistic culture and social-scientific and philosophical culture.


Author(s):  
Gabriel Rockhill

With a few rare but important exceptions, it is arguable that major contemporary debates on the historical relationship between art and politics—from the work of Lukács and Adorno to that of Lyotard and Rancière—have generally favored the visual arts and literature over and against architecture and urban design. However, as a few thinkers like Benjamin and Foucault have recognized, if there is one art that appears to be prototypically political (in the sense that it is almost inevitably the site of collective decisions that directly shape the social body while simultaneously being subject to multifarious communal appropriations), it is surely architecture. This paradox leads to a question of central importance, which serves to guide the analysis in this final chapter: why have many of the foremost philosophic debates on the historical relation between art and politics sidelined what is perhaps the political art par excellence? This leads to a critical re-examination of the metaphilosophical assumptions undergirding many of the standard historical narratives regarding the development of art and its relationship to politics.


Author(s):  
Eloy García

Se aspira a clarificar la posición del rey en el sistema constitucional español, descifrando el significado de la fórmula «árbitro y moderador» recogida en el art. 56 de la Constitución al amparo de la idea de neutralidad. Para ello, se procede, primero, a ojear la posición del monarca surgido de la transición política a través de sus caracteres constitucionales, y segundo a efectuar un rastreo en los supuestos de la teoría del Estado Constitucional, a fin de establecer las categorías que pudieran ser coherentes con los valores democráticos. En base al fundamento que depara esta categorización se llega a la conclusión de que en el actual momento político español, no cabe otro modelo creíble que el que se corresponde con «la republicana coronada», advirtiendo, al tiempo, que la verdadera clave del problema reside no tanto en la existencia de modelos alternativos cómo y en términos de Locke, en su «reasonablessnes», esto es, en la plausibilidad o credibilidad social que sea capaz de concitar un rey «árbitro y moderador». Para intentar desentrañar qué significa la credibilidad de una monarquía republicana, se acuñan tres parámetros vinculados a la necesidad de reconstruir en clave política el debate social contemporáneo desde la acción neutral del monarca, y que se identifican respectivamente con las funciones de ejemplarizar, esclarecer y promover.We aspire to clarify the position of the king in the constitutional Spanish system, deciphering the meaning of the «umpire and moderator» formula withdrawal in the art. 56 of the Constitution under the protection of the idea of neutrality. For it, we proceed to review, first, the position of the monarch arisen from the political transition across his constitutional characters, and second to effect a tracking in the suppositions of the theory of the Constitutional State, in order to establish the categories that could be coherent with the democratic values. On the basis of the foundation that provides this categorization it comes near the conclusion that in the current political Spanish moment, does not fit another credible model that the one that corresponds with « the crowned republic «, warning, at the time, that the real key of the problem resides not so much in the existence of alternative models and speaking in Locke’s terms, in his reasonablessnes, this is, in the reasonably or social credibility that is capable of inciting a king « umpire and moderator «. To try to uncover what means the credibility of a republican monarchy, there are three parameters linked to the need of reconstructing in a political key the social contemporary debate from the neutral action of the monarch, and that are identify respectively with the functions of exemplify, dawn and promote.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-210
Author(s):  
Jiao Kun

Abstract As an influential scholar, the Ming 明 Neo-Confucian master Wang Yangming 王陽明 (1472–1529) was also active in the political world. While showing philosophical ingenuity, Wang launched an ideological movement which reached beyond Neo-Confucian discourse and into the social and political spheres. By promoting his xinxue 心學 teachings, Wang aimed to change Ming political life through fostering a moral retrenchment among future officials. To achieve his goals, Wang Yangming implemented several strategies, such as turning to humble local literati for a following, teaching them as a sitting official, and supporting nonofficial academies with his political power. These strategies succeeded to some extent, in part because the Ming court had relaxed the ideological intolerance of the early Ming. The real-world background of Wang Yangming's success can be further explored by comparing Wang with his two predecessors, Xue Xuan 薛瑄 (1389–1464) and Wu Yubi 吳與弼 (1391–1469).


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Dian Palupi ◽  
Reza Amarta Prayoga

<p>Folklore is a construction of local wisdom that grows and develops into the basis of the values of social functions. The social function of the political meaning in folklore can be used as the country’s resilience reflection, like democratic learning and strengthening the figure of the statesman. The social reality that was constructed in folklore can be a gap between the real and imaginary condition in the text. This study dug out the interrelatedness between the reflection of folklore as the forming of the resilience nation’s character and characteristic of Indonesian’s diversity. This study uses a qualitative description method and literature sociology and politic approach. The corpus data are “<em>Mentiko Betuah</em>” (Aceh) and “<em>Raja Negeri Jambi</em>” (Jambi) story. The results of the study indicated that the social reflection of both (stories) can be the basis of the building social resilience to counter radicalism, to grows up tolerances, mutual solidarity, democracy, and the integrity of anti-kleptocratic statesman. The method of the study is a qualitative description. The data of the study are sentences and written expressions in “<em>Mentiko Betuah</em>” (Aceh) and “<em>Raja Negeri Jambi</em>”’s story (Jambi). The results of the study indicated that tolerance and plural values were depicted in “<em>Raja Negeri Jambi</em>” and “<em>Mentiko Betuah</em>” were needed to be maintained. The threat of disintegration of the nation through the inculcation of narrow and shallow ideologies have poisoned people’s perspective, especially millennial society.</p>


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