Policy Convergence in Banking: A Comparative Study

1994 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 274-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
William D. Coleman

The relationship between global economic integration and policy convergence in banking is examined in five countries: Canada, France, Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States. Focusing upon policy styles and modes of policy-making, considerable convergence in membership of policy communities and some convergence in the organization of state agencies is found. When it comes to policy networks, there is more limited convergence on a corporatist mode of policy-making in banking. Policy style may not be as responsive to international economic changes as policy goals, policy content, and policy instruments.

Author(s):  
Leighton Vaughan-Williams ◽  
David Paton

Over the past decade, U.K. gambling sector has experienced several regulatory shocks that have led to considerable debate and controversy within the industry and policy-making communities. Although there is a well-established literature on the economic impact of the growth of gambling facilities on local and regional economies in the United States and the United Kingdom, relatively little research has focused on optimal taxation of gambling machines within these facilities. This chapter seeks to address this gap by examining the theoretical arguments for taxing gambling machines by means of a levy on machine takings rather than by means of a license fee levied per machine. Recent tax debates in the United Kingdom provide an ideal context for such a discussion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095269512096787
Author(s):  
Lyn Brierley-Jones

The 19th century saw the development of an eclectic medical marketplace in both the United Kingdom and the United States, with mesmerists, herbalists and hydrotherapists amongst the plethora of medical ‘sectarians’ offering mainstream (or ‘allopathic’) medicine stiff competition. Foremost amongst these competitors were homoeopaths, a group of practitioners who followed Samuel Hahnemann (1982[1810]) in prescribing highly dilute doses of single-drug substances at infrequent intervals according to the ‘law of similars’ (like cures like). The theoretical sophistication of homoeopathy, compared to other medical sectarian systems, alongside its institutional growth after the mid-19th-century cholera epidemics, led to homoeopathy presenting a challenge to allopathy that the latter could not ignore. Whilst the subsequent decline of homoeopathy at the beginning of the 20th century was the result of multiple factors, including developments within medical education, the Progressive movement, and wider socio-economic changes, this article focuses on allopathy’s response to homoeopathy’s conceptual challenge. Using the theoretical framework of Berger and Luckmann (1991[1966]) and taking a Tory historiographical approach (Fuller, 2002) to recover more fully 19th-century homoeopathic knowledge, this article demonstrates how increasingly sophisticated ‘nihilative’ strategies were ultimately successful in neutralising homoeopathy and that homoeopaths were defeated by allopaths (rather than disproven) at the conceptual level. In this process, the therapeutic use of ‘nosodes’ (live disease products) and the language of bacteriology were pivotal. For their part, homoeopaths failed to mount a counter-attack against allopaths with an explanatory framework available to them.


Author(s):  
Véronique Mottier

This article proposes to shift the focus from eugenic science to its translation into concrete policy practices, adopting a comparative perspective. It draws on examples of eugenic policy-making in the United States, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, Sweden, and Germany to explore the relation between eugenic science and the state, examining the impact of different state formations on cross-national variations in the political trajectories of eugenics. Eugenic movements were thus able to exert important influence on these states' policy-making apparatuses. This article also discusses the affect of specific institutional design on the ways in which eugenic policies are implemented. It also deals with political spectrum of eugenics and tends to amalgamate eugenics with conservative and extreme right-wing political ideologies.


What is the use of research in public debates and policy-making on immigration and integration? Why are there such large gaps between migration debates and migration realities, and how can they be reduced? Bridging the Gaps: Linking Research to Public Debates and Policy-making on Migration and Integration provides a unique set of testimonies and analyses of these questions by researchers and policy experts who have been deeply involved in attempts to link social science research to public policies. Bridging the Gap argues that we must go beyond the prevailing focus on the research–policy nexus by considering how the media, public opinion, and other dimensions of public debates can interact with research and policy processes. The chapters provide theoretical analyses and personal assessments of the successes and failures of past efforts to link research to public debates and policy-making on migration and integration in six different countries—Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States—as well as in European and global governance debates. Contrary to common public perceptions and political demands, Bridging the Gaps argues that all actors contributing to research, public debates, and policy-making should recognize that migration, integration, and related decision-making are highly complex issues, and that there are no quick fixes to what are often enduring policy dilemmas. When the different actors understand and appreciate each other’s primary aims and constraints, such common understandings can pave the way for improved policy-making processes and better public policies that deal more effectively with the real challenges of migration and integration.


City, State ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 51-102
Author(s):  
Ran Hirschl

This chapter examines the constitutional subjugation of the metropolis throughout much of the Global North in constitutional orders adopted over a two-century span between the late eighteenth century and the 1970s, from the United States and Canada to the United Kingdom, Western Europe, and Australia. It illustrates how constitutional stalemate has emerged in these countries as a result of hardwired city-subverting constitutional frameworks, rigid amendment rules, a lack of political incentives to empower cities, and oftentimes proactive resistance to city power. At least two lessons may be drawn from this chapter. First, in contrast to North America, where litigation is the main channel for debating the constitutional status of urban centers, the megacity discussion in Europe is largely taking place in central government planning and policy-making circles. Second, when it comes to urban agglomeration, the Global North has witnessed a great constitutional silence.


1995 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Lexchin

While Canada has a delay in drug approval dates and regulatory approval times compared with countries such as the United States and the United Kingdom, evidence to show that such delays compromise therapy is lacking. Faster regulatory approval coupled with an effective postmarketing surveillance system can achieve acceptable safety results, but whether such a system is feasible in Canada is unknown. Setting priorities in reforming the Canadian drug regulatory process depends on an assessment of what the most important problems are. Such an assessment reflects the nature of policy making in Canada.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mario Levesque ◽  
Brynne Langford

The neoliberal agenda has seen increased engagement of governments and disability organizations in policy making and implementation processes. Yet governments have been slow to address needed changes in disability policy over the last three decades questioning the role of disability organizations who have increasingly turned to rights-based claims on states. The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities which reaffirms in article 29 the full political participation of persons with disabilities is one such example. Unclear, however, is the role of disability organizations in the UN Convention’s development, ratification and implementation. Were disability organizations active and central actors in this process?  This article investigates this question in relation to three case studies:  Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom. The story that emerges underscores the centrality of disability organizations in policy development during times of government disinterest or indifference. 


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 244-265
Author(s):  
Liza Ireni-Saban

Technological innovation in the area of personalised genetic data poses novel regulatory concerns for state governance. Since personalised genetic data reveals highly sensitive and private information about a person’s susceptibility to illness, it may lead to stigmatisation, discrimination, and breach of privacy. Although legal arrangements for personal or medical data have always been governmental and legal concerns, the introduction of genetic technologies over the past two decades has breathed new life into the idea of privacy and non-discrimination protection for individuals and communities, leading to possible new types of social relationships that circulate in a global biomedical arena. Thus, our analysis of genetic information regulation is based on a comparative analysis of policy instruments by examining the appropriateness of various policy instrument choices made in the United States and in the United Kingdom for securing the rights for privacy, non-discrimination, and access to research benefits for individuals and communities.


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