Nineteenth Century Nationalism in Finland: A Comparative Perspective

1979 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Risto Alapuro
2021 ◽  
pp. 152-171
Author(s):  
Francis Teal

We now move to examine the top of the income distribution and begin by asking whether Mr Darcy, the central male character in Jane Austen’s novel Pride and Prejudice, would be regarded as a plutocrat today. If his income were converted to contemporary amounts it would be some £600,000. We show that Mr Darcy would need to earn some £8 million to be as rich as his nineteenth-century predecessor relative to the average wage. To understand how those super-high incomes arise, we introduce the Paretian distribution which we do first informally and then more formally. It is a distribution of this form which could produce what we see, a few very highly paid individuals whose incomes—up in the stratosphere of the super-rich—would still be very spread out. We use the Paretian distribution to estimate the number of plutocrats in the US, the UK, and China and show the incomes of the richest of the rich.


Rural History ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
DENNIS MILLS

Canwick Hall, near Lincoln, was the seat of the Sibthorps from 1730 to 1940. They represented the city in Parliament over several generations. The evolution of their estate village is seen here in contrast to the open village of Melbourn, in the context of the open-closed village model, and in comparison with two other estates of similar size and value (the Sneyds' estate at Keele, Staffordshire and the Fawkeses' estate at Farnley in Wharfedale). The Sibthorps were a ten thousand-acre and ten thousand pounds-a-year family for most of the nineteenth century, but the amount of attention they paid to Canwick varied considerably, depending on the individual circumstances and preferences of a succession of life-tenants.


2010 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
İlker Aytürk

AbstractThe role of language and linguistic-philological studies in the nationalist movements of the nineteenth century received much attention. The aim of this article is to focus on the language factor in Zionism and the revival of Hebrew as a spoken language in the Yishuv between 1904 and 1914. Founded in 1904, the Hebrew Language Council was expected to enhance the process of revival and, from the very beginning, an unmistakably nationalist attitude to its subject matter marked the Council's agenda. However, the authority of the Council to make binding decisions on linguistic matters was contested by a number of other Zionist institutions, a development which ruined the prestige and effectiveness of the Council. The controversy resulted less from a turf war or quarrels over scarce resources than a deeper question of which institution represented the “true” Hebraic spirit. The World Zionist Organization's decision to de-align from cultural matters, including the revival of Hebrew, worsened the conditions under which the Council operated. From a comparative perspective, thus, the Hebrew case provides an unusual case of linguistic nationalism, which should be of interest to students of both nationalism and sociolinguistics.


1988 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 795-806 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelson Wiseman

AbstractIn an assessment of Louis Hartz's fragment theory, H. D. Forbes contends that its basic weaknesses are most easily exposed in the case of French Canada. This article argues the opposite: Hartz's approach in this case is particularly illuminating rather than representing its Achilles’ heel. Hartzian analysis is consistent with the historiography of French Canada. The growth of liberalism in the nineteenth century that Forbes points to in the French-Canadian fragment pales when placed in a comparative perspective as Hartz's theory requires. It is the mix of feudal and liberal ideas in the twentieth century that helps to explain the rise of social democratic forces like the Parti québécois.


Aethiopica ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 184-205
Author(s):  
Giovanna Trento

Colonial concubinage in Ethiopia during the Italian occupation (1936–1941) has not been deeply studied yet. This article explores the peculiarities of the so-called madamato – that was banned under Fascism in 1937 but developed despite the racist legislation – by firstly comparing its practices in Ethiopia with that which took place from the late Nineteenth century in Eritrea. Indeed, on the Eritrean case a small body of significant literature already exists. In addition, by relying on both written and oral sources, this article highlights the relevance of local agency, the influence of “traditional” customs and religion, and the role played by Ethiopian women in the impact of and the shape taken by colonial concubinage in Ethiopia. It also points out some continuity between the colonial and post-colonial periods (in terms of social behaviors) and the complex roles played in local societies by Ethiopian-Italians and Eritrean-Italians (including the offspring of relationships based on concubinage). Furthermore, this article highlights that gender relations in the region during Italian rule were also affected by the fact that Italian colonialism in the Horn of Africa influenced to some extent the construction of Italian national identity and self-representation.


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