The State and its Revenues in ancien-régime France

1992 ◽  
Vol 65 (157) ◽  
pp. 150-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Bonney
2011 ◽  
Vol 636 (1) ◽  
pp. 164-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liping Wang ◽  
Julia Adams

Familial power contributed to binding territories together and systematically severing them in both China and early modern European states. In the early Qing (1644–1911) Empire, Manchu conquerors met the challenges of securing and expanding rule by discovering ways to use laterally related brothers and imperial bondservants to hold Chinese bureaucrats in check, while deploying bureaucracy to restrain princely brothers from partitioning the state. The ensuing interlock of patrimonial practices and bureaucracy, developed in a style similar to ancien régime France, stabilized political power for centuries.


Author(s):  
Margarita Diaz-Andreu

There was no return to the Ancien Régime after Napoleon’s downfall in 1815. Firstly, the early nineteenth-century economy was increasingly strengthened by the industrial, imperial and trading expansion of the European powers throughout the world (Chapters 5 to 10), which helped to stimulate Western Europe’s financial growth. Adding immeasurable impetus to this movement was the territorial expansion of Russia and the US, and later in the century other countries such as Japan contributed by broadening their frontiers manifold (Chapters 9 and 10). Factors such as these accelerated the enlargement and aspirations of the middle classes, who were precisely the group leading most of the revolutionary activity in the first half of the nineteenth century. Secondly, the reforms in administration made the state machine more efficient than that of the Ancien Régime and this impeded a full restoration of the old order. Also, for the efficient functioning of the state, the enthusiasm with which educated individuals identified with the nation was extremely important to ensure their loyalty. The late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century socio-political revolutions had brought a series of new meanings to concepts such as conservatism, liberal, democrat, party, and the distinction between left and right (Roberts 1996: 21). For example, liberalism was a doctrine that favoured ‘progress’ and ‘reform’. It was also linked with the type of nationalism that the French Revolution had promoted with the sovereignty of nations and the belief that all citizens were equal in the eyes of the law (although at this time ‘citizenship’, as propagated by the proponents of this doctrine, mainly meant the prosperous classes and male citizens). For progressive liberals, it was not only the established states that had the right to be a nation. The nationalist sentiments and claims by Greeks, Slovaks, Czechs, Brazilians, Mexicans, Hungarians, and a myriad of would-be nations, illustrate the growth of the widespread notion of nationhood that reached to other people with distinctive pasts and cultures. Liberals also had to confront, or negotiate with, the reactionary forces that brought down Napoleon in 1815. They were mainly made up of the nobility, and also supported by conservative intellectuals.


2020 ◽  
pp. 82-103
Author(s):  
Ian Coller

This chapter investigates the wave of revolutionary universalism launched by a piece of revolutionary theater. This was symbolized by the turban, even as that universalism was riven from within by contradictions over race and religion. As the exclusions of the ancien régime were addressed, new questions emerged around the plurality of religions and their relation to the state. In June 1790, on the anniversary of the declaration of the National Assembly, the appearance of a deputation of foreigners led by the Prussian baron Jean-Baptiste (later Anacharsis) Cloots set off a remarkable chain of events that led to the abolition of noble titles in France. The visible presence of Muslims in this deputation played a key role in catalyzing the explosion of enthusiasm that followed: so much so that counterrevolutionary voices clamored to insist that these Muslims were impostors dressed in costumes from the opera.


1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Gordon

In January 1950, in the first free election held in nearly eight years, Egyptians went to the polls to return a Wafdist government to power. After having been banished from office for five years, Egypt's majority party assumed office aware that it shouldered a heavy burden of responsibility. Between October 1944, when the King dismissed the war-time government of Mustafa al-Nahhas, and January 1950, eight minority governments governed, or tried to govern, Egypt. Escalating political violence marked a period of increasing disillusion with parliamentary rule that encompassed all sectors of Egyptian society. Indeed, it might be argued that Egypt's ancien régime survived until 1950 only because the minority governments marshaled the coercive powers of the state to control the streets, campuses, and factories, where dissidence was most manifest. At the time, many sensed that if the political establishment failed to achieve the evacuation of British troops from Egyptian soil, contain rampant inflation, and narrow the gap between rich and poor, martial law could not save the liberal order from collapse. What would follow was uncertain, but talk of revolution, fearful or hopeful, filled the air.


Itinerario ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
F.S. Gaastra

The organization of the Dutch Wast India Company (Verenigde Oostinische Compagnie, VOC) is in many respects comparable with the government bureaucracies of the 17th and 18th century. Like the officials in the administration of the state, the servants of the Company used their position to enrich themselves in a way that nowadays would be called corrupt. But it has been stressed that it would be incorrect to apply modern moral standards on the bureaucracy of the ancien regime. It is in fact impossible to draw a sharp line between what was allowed to the Company's servants overseas and what was forbidden to them. The directors or bewindhebbers of the VOC themselves were not very consistent in these matters. On the one hand, they appointed members of their families and their clients to honourable positions in order to provide them with a moderate salary and a well-spread “free” table during their stay in Asia. On the other hand, the directors tried to keep the monopoly of the VOC intact, which meant that no other Dutch merchants, not even Company's officials, were allowed to carry any trade in Asia on their own account.


2001 ◽  
Vol 46 (S9) ◽  
pp. 35-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cecilia Nubola

“Those who think to do away with petitions would overthrow the entire system of the State”. This remark – taken from an anonymous eighteenth-century account of the political organization of the Duchy of Parma and Piacenza – describes well the importance attributed to complaints in the organization of the state. Through complaints, or petitions, it is generally possible to verify a number of fundamental forms and modes of communication between society and the institutions of the ancien regime, and to reconstruct the procedures of mediation, repression, acceptance, and agreement adopted by princes, sovereigns, or magistracies in response to social demands.


1968 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guy Thuillier

La pollution des eaux n'est pas un phénomène récent : jusqu'au début du xxe siècle, et même après, l'usage d'eaux malsaines était quasi général, et la rareté de l'eau — dans les campagnes comme dans les villes — avait des conséquences sociales et médicales non négligeables. Certes cette histoire de l'eau est difficile à écrire, et elle tente peu les historiens, précisément parce qu'elle touche à cet « invisible quotidien » qui laisse peu de traces. Pourtant elle engage toute l'histoire des conditions matérielles de vie, l'histoire démographique et même l'histoire des mentalités : la révolution de l'eau a été trop diffuse pour qu'on en puisse aisément saisir toute l'étendue . Ne peut-on, cependant, pour une région limitée, tenter de dégager à grands traits les conditions de cet « ancien régime » de l'eau ?


1972 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 1389-1399
Author(s):  
Jean Delumeau

« L'Anjou, écrivait un religieux à la fin du xvne siècle est une des plus petites provinces de la France, et il est très certain qu'un homme qui chemine bien peut aller en un jour d' Angers aux extrémités de la province, excepté vers Craon et La Roe. » A François Lebrun, auteur de l'admirable synthèse que viennent de publier les Éditions Mouton, il aura fallu une bonne dizaine d'années pour parcourir en tous sens les 9 362 km2, les 16 élections et les 541 paroisses de l' Anjou d' Ancien Régime, en connaître les terroirs, les contrastes', les misères et les espoirs. Le parti adopté est le même que ceux précédemment choisis par P. Goubert et E. Le Roy Ladurie pour le Beauvaisis et le Languedoc, plus récemment par R. Fossier pour la Picardie.


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