Individual Determinants for the Selection of Group Coordinators in the European Parliament

2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 939-954 ◽  
Author(s):  
William T. Daniel ◽  
Stefan Thierse
Keyword(s):  
European Parliament ◽  
Individual Determinants ◽  
Selection Of

scholarly journals Top-down or bottom-up? The selection of shadow rapporteurs in the European Parliament

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 706-727
Author(s):  
Frank M Häge ◽  
Nils Ringe
Keyword(s):  
European Parliament ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Principal Agent Theory ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
Competing Demands ◽  
Group Members ◽  
Selection Of

Shadow rapporteurs play an important role in developing the European Parliament’s collective policy positions and in defending them in inter-institutional negotiations. This study sheds light on the ‘how’ and ‘why’ of shadow rapporteur selection. Qualitative insights from practitioner interviews and a quantitative analysis of shadow rapporteur data from the 7th European Parliament (2009–2014) indicate that the appointment process is primarily one of bottom-up self-selection by group members based on their policy interests. The party group leadership, in the form of group coordinators, plays an important coordinating role when there is competition for a shadow rapporteurship. However, the role of group coordinators is more akin to a third-party arbiter of competing demands than a mechanism of top-down control by the leadership, as suggested by principal-agent theory.

scholarly journals Il laboratorio intellettuale di Bruno Trentin (2001-2006)

2021 ◽  
pp. 147-249
Author(s):  
Sante Cruciani
Keyword(s):  
European Parliament ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Individual Rights ◽  
September 11Th ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
European Constitution ◽  
American Intervention ◽  
Selection Of

A selection of Trentin’sdiaries from 2001-2006, some unpublished pages on his political activity in the European Parliament and the elaboration of The Freedom Comes First: these works allow us to enter Bruno Trentin's intellectual laboratory and to follow, from the inside, the editing of the essays and the realization of the volume. Public and private intertwine in a melee with a heavy depression, which demands to "cope with death by accelerating the production of writings that can clarify or conclude my testimony." The notes on the Italian and international situation after September 11th, 2001, the American intervention in Iraq in 2003 and the European Constitution project are significant. The section is completed by some coeval political interventions, including the last article of July 2006 on meritocracy and the affirmation of individual rights.

scholarly journals Das Scheitern des Spitzenkandidatensystems und andere populäre Irrtümer über die Demokratisierung der Europäischen Union

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 870-879
Author(s):  
Frank Decker
Keyword(s):  
Electoral System ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
European Parties ◽  
Commission President ◽  
European Election ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
The Eu

After the 2019 European election, national political actors and party officials in both the European Parliament as well as in the Council once again clashed over the selection of the Commission’s President, a controversy that also received widespread public attention . Disagreements centered on the so-called Spitzenkandidaten - top candidate - system that - contrary to its premiere in 2014 - failed to be implemented . The manner in which this system functions is frequently misunderstood by both political actors and observers . One example is that the appointment process is interpreted through the lens of parliamentary democracy, another is that the overrepresentation of smaller member states within the European Parliament is depicted as a serious violation of democratic principles . Potential starting points for a thorough democratization of the EU, such as the direct election of the Commission President, a common electoral system with joint European parties, and a greater say by voters and the President of the Commission regarding the appointment of commissioners are also discussed . [ZParl, vol . 50 (2019), no . 4, pp . 870 - 879]

scholarly journals Proces selekcji kandydatów na posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego a stabilność personalna polskiej delegacji

2021 ◽  
pp. 71-86
Author(s):  
Anna Pacześniak
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
The Way

The article analyses the determinants of the selection of candidates for the European Parliament in Polish political parties and the relationship between the way candidates are selected and the personal stability of the Polish representation in the EP. The study is based on the analysis of party documents and data obtained in semi-structured interviews with MEPs elected in the period 2004–2019. The level of variability and stability of the personal composition of the Polish delegation is presented in terms of the four parties that have been part of the Polish representation in all previous terms. The stability of representation is not a leading motive in the intraparty selection of MEP candidates. The domination of informal criteria in creation of the electoral lists further weakens the link between selection process and personal stability of the Polish delegation in the EP.

The Power of the European Parliament as a Conditional Agenda Setter

1994 ◽  
Vol 88 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Tsebelis
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Scholarly Work ◽  
Agenda Setter ◽  
European Institutions ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
Qualified Majority ◽  
The Future ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
Selection Of

The European Parliament under the current cooperation procedure has an important power: it can make proposals that, if accepted by the Commission of the European Communities, are easier for the Council of Ministers to accept than to modify, since only qualified majority is required for acceptance, whereas full unanimity for modification. The importance of this power, which I call the power of the conditional agenda setter, has not been recognized in previous scholarly work. For structural reasons explained in the text, this power is likely to increase in the future. I conclude by arguing that the conditional delegation of power to international actors (the European Parliament, Commission, and the Court of Justice) is a frequent phenomenon in European institutions. This delegation presents three important advantages: it makes possible the selection of one among many possible equilibria, it accelerates European integration, and it diffuses responsibility for politically unpopular measures.

scholarly journals The representativeness of the European Parliament has usually been a subject of controversy, which is currently increased by Brexit and the development of several populist movements within the EU. In this context, the elections to the European Parliament in 2019 were the second occasion on which the "Spitzenkandidaten" system was applied. By this system the parties present potential candidates to preside the European Commission, with the aim of improving the citizen's legitimacy of the European project. Bearing this in mind, the objective of this research is to know the thematic agenda set by the “Spitzenkandidaten” on Twitter, trying to find differences with the issues raised by the traditional national leaders. To this end, the technique of quantitative content analysis is used, referring the issues addressed on Twitter by the six candidates to chair the Commission, as well as the thematic agenda exposed by a selection of the national candidates. The sample includes politicians from the four most populated countries of the Union excluding the United Kingdom - Germany, France, Italy and Spain - and it also seeks maximum ideological plurality. The research does not focus exclusively on the electoral contest phase, but observes the communicative action of these leaders over three months. The results show a more thematic concentration agenda in the "Spitzenkandidaten" than in national candidates. In addition, Eurosceptic politicians carry out a differential communicative behavior in comparison with Europeanist leaders. Therefore, the European elections seem to move on two levels: the national, in which the candidates by countries face national issues, and the transnational, in which the "Spitzenkandidaten" address topics from a European approach, accompanied also by references to domestic policy.

Tripodos ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 29-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rubén Rivas-de-Roca ◽  
Mar García-Gordillo
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Communicative Action ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Communicative Behavior ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Quantitative Content ◽  
National Leaders ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
The Eu

The representativeness of the European Parliament has usually been a subject of controversy, which is currently increased by Brexit and the development of several populist movements within the EU. In this context, the elections to the European Parliament in 2019 were the second occasion on which the "Spitzenkandidaten" system was applied. By this system the parties present potential candidates to preside the European Commission, with the aim of improving the citizen's legitimacy of the European project. Bearing this in mind, the objective of this research is to know the thematic agenda set by the “Spitzenkandidaten” on Twitter, trying to find differences with the issues raised by the traditional national leaders. To this end, the technique of quantitative content analysis is used, referring the issues addressed on Twitter by the six candidates to chair the Commission, as well as the thematic agenda exposed by a selection of the national candidates. The sample includes politicians from the four most populated countries of the Union excluding the United Kingdom - Germany, France, Italy and Spain - and it also seeks maximum ideological plurality. The research does not focus exclusively on the electoral contest phase, but observes the communicative action of these leaders over three months. The results show a more thematic concentration agenda in the "Spitzenkandidaten" than in national candidates. In addition, Eurosceptic politicians carry out a differential communicative behavior in comparison with Europeanist leaders. Therefore, the European elections seem to move on two levels: the national, in which the candidates by countries face national issues, and the transnational, in which the "Spitzenkandidaten" address topics from a European approach, accompanied also by references to domestic policy.

Who gets committee leadership positions in the European Parliament? Evidence from the 2014 selection process

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Treib ◽  
Bernd Schlipphak
Keyword(s):  
Driving Forces ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
European Level ◽  
Career Patterns ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
Political Career ◽  
Original Dataset ◽  
Selection Of

What are the driving forces behind the selection of individual Members of the European Parliament for committee leadership positions? To shed more light on this process, the article analyses an original dataset comprising biographical and behavioural information on all 751 Members of the European Parliament who assumed office in 2014. We show that the choice of committee chairs and vice-chairs is not determined by loyalty to party groups or national delegations. Instead, we demonstrate that Members of the European Parliament’ career ambitions and their ability to demonstrate relevant experience play a key role. These findings have important implications for our understanding of the power of national parties and European party groups and for the emerging literature on political career patterns at the European level.

Cognitive gadgets and cognitive priors

2019 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gian Domenico Iannetti ◽  
Giorgio Vallortigara
Keyword(s):  
Cognitive Neuroscience ◽  
Selection Of

Abstract Some of the foundations of Heyes’ radical reasoning seem to be based on a fractional selection of available evidence. Using an ethological perspective, we argue against Heyes’ rapid dismissal of innate cognitive instincts. Heyes’ use of fMRI studies of literacy to claim that culture assembles pieces of mental technology seems an example of incorrect reverse inferences and overlap theories pervasive in cognitive neuroscience.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document