Spanish Regulation of Biobanks

2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 801-815
Author(s):  
Pilar Nicolás

Spain occupies an area of 504.645 km, and it has a population of 46.5 million people, out of which 4,538,503 are immigrants. Life expectancy is 82.5 years (85.5 for females and 79.5 for males). Its economy grew 1.4 % in 1014. Its current Constitution was enacted in 1978. It has been part of the European Union since 1986.Spain is a social and democratic state subject to the rule of law. Liberty, justice, equality, and political pluralism are the highest values of the legal order of the rule of law. Spain is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary government. The legislative power rests upon two chambers: the Congress and Senate. The government exercises the executive powers and the regulatory powers. There have been six presidents since 1978 from all parties, socialist, centrist, and conservative. The judicial power rests upon the courts and tribunals established by law.

Author(s):  
Richard Rose

This chapter discusses the distinction between democratic and undemocratic states, noting that it is not only about whether there are elections: it is about whether or not it there is the rule of law. When both conditions are met, elections are free and fair and the government is accountable to the electorate. When laws can be bent or broken, unfair elections represent the will of governors more than that of the governed. The chapter first defines democratic states and outlines the characteristics of a democratic state before assessing the state of states today. It then considers three kinds of undemocratic states, namely: constitutional oligarchy, plebiscitarian autocracy, and unaccountable autocracy. It also examines how democratization has more often come about by trial and error rather than through gradual evolution and concludes by analysing the dynamics of democratic and undemocratic states.


the wishes of the Government expressed in the form of legislation, or the extent to which it can interfere with the pursuit of those wishes. Until now it has been a commonplace of political thought that although the United Kingdom might not have a written constitution its unwritten constitution was nonetheless based on fundamental principles. Amongst these principles were the sovereignty of Parliament and the Rule of Law. The centrality within the United Kingdom constitution of the doctrine of Parliamentary sovereignty has traditionally meant that Parliament can make such law as it determines, but the validity of such an interpretation has been questioned by some. The justifications for such challenges to absolute Parliamentary sovereignty are based on the United Kingdom's membership of both the European Union and the Council of Europe with the implications of higher authorities than Parliament, in the former's legislation and the latter's endorsement of inalienable individual rights. As for the Rule of Law, although it is a notoriously amorphous concept, it has provided the courts with scope for challenging the actions of the executive and, indeed, to a more limited degree, the legislature. The mechanism through which the courts have previously exercised their burgeoning constitutional and, by definition, political role is judicial review by means of which they have asserted the right to subject the actions and operations of the executive to the gaze and control of the law in such a way as to prevent the executive from abusing its power. However, such power has been greatly extended by the enactment of the Human Rights Act (HRA) 1998. The Act only came into effect in October 2000 so the question remains as to how the courts will use the powers given to them under that Act. The remaining articles in this chapter will consider the wider political context within which the judiciary operate as well as focusing on the Rule of Law and the HRA 1998. In an article 'Law and democracy', published in the Spring 1995 edition of Public Law, Sir John Laws, Justice of the High Court, Queen's Bench Division, considered the appropriate role of judges within the constitution from the perspective of the judge (footnotes omitted).

2012 ◽  
pp. 54-65

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-72
Author(s):  
András Karácsony ◽  
Szabolcs Nagypál

The various legal theorists dealing with the operation and effect of law have mostly examined situations that can be described as occurring in the usual, regular, normal state of social life. Over the last half century, and particularly since the formation and later enlargement of the European Union, the requirement of the rule of law has emerged as a key topic. The test of the rule of law is as follows: it is necessary to examine in an abnormal situation or, as it were, in an extraordinary situation exactly how it is possible to take political decisions that are of fundamental importance to society while also guaranteeing that these decisions remain within the rule of law at all times.The aim of this study is to investigate how and by what constitutional mandate the Hungarian Government deviated from the normal constitutional situation in 2020. The “state of exception” theorised by Carl Schmitt and Giorgio Agamben means the suspension of the law. It is important to understand their views in order to see that the Hungarian situation in 2020 is utterly dissimilar to such a state of exception. In short, we need to distinguish a state of exception from an extraordinary situation, because the latter does not imply the suspension of law in general or, more specifically, the suspension of the rule of law, but that parliamentary and government decisions remain within it. The special legal order applied in an extraordinary situation is not in fact a suspension of democracy, still less of the rule of law. On the contrary, it actually falls within both: in a state of national crisis, this situation is democracy itself and the rule of law itself, and – accordingly – strict laws (both democratic and imposed within the rule of law), or rather laws of cardinal importance, make its conditions and its functioning possible and regulate it.


2020 ◽  
pp. 109-150
Author(s):  
Waldemar Walczak

The article presents multifaceted considerations and results of analyses concerning the necessity to perceive the phenomenon of corruption through the prism of a gross violation of constitutional values, the principles of the rule of law and social justice. The main focus is on discussing civic rights that are effectively eradicated by corruption, at the same time emphasizing a holistic and systemic approach to understanding and interpreting specific processes and decisions confirmed in practice. At the beginning, it is explained why a broad research perspective should be adopted to understand the essence of corruption. An important argument supporting the correctness of the adopted approach are statements contained in the Government Program for Counteracting Corruption 2018–2020. Next, the most important constitutional values and civil rights are indicated, which are not respected and remain only in the declarative sphere as a result of corrupt practices. In order to prove the illusory nature and facade of certain provisions of the Polish Constitution, important statements contained in the judgments of the Constitutional Tribunal are quoted, and then these interpretations are analyzed in relation to real situations occurring in everyday reality. These problem issues are presented from the perspective of the constitutional principle of equality before the law, social justice and non discrimination. It is also noted in this regard that corruption activities are precisely the main factor leading to the division of citizens into two separate categories according to the way they are treated. Finally, it is mentioned that in the European Union ever greater emphasis is currently being placed on compliance with the rule of law. This problem is closely related to the need to understand the negative consequences of corruption as an element that undermines trust in the state, constitutional order and the rule of law.


Author(s):  
Monika Kawczyńska

AbstractRecent constitutional reforms in Poland have demonstrated a lack of respect for the rule of law and for the fundamental values which form the foundations of the EU legal order. The Polish authorities have substantially deviated from principles that the country has accepted as a part of the Copenhagen criteria. The aim of the article is to analyse the mechanisms and procedures applied by the EU institutions to address the systemic threats to the rule of law in Poland. The main focus of the assessment is on the effectiveness of the measure and its potential for a proper solution to the problem. The response provided by the EU demonstrate that there has been a shift from a political to judicial enforcement of values. The article argues that the remedies that were deemed to be the least suitable to address the systemic deficiencies in the rule of law – an infringement action and a preliminary ruling procedure – proved to be the most effective remedy to defend independence of the Polish judiciary. Unexpectedly, the most efficient institution to ensure the respect for values enshrined in Article 2 TEU in Poland proved to be the CJEU, providing extensive interpretation of Article 19 (1) TEU and Article 47 of the Charter. Nevertheless the values are still much more difficult to enforce than the law. While the most serious infringements have been reversed, this has not prevented the Polish authorities from further violating the rule of law.


2006 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-119
Author(s):  
Julia Laffranque

The Estonian legal system has over the last decade and a half undergone a tremendous change. Quite often we have had to start from almost nothing and to develop our law very fast compared to societies with long lasting traditions of stable and well established democracy where similar reforms have taken hundreds of years instead of ten. The years that have passed since the reestablishment of Estonia's independence are characterised by reforms of the legal system, preparation for them, and finally their implementation. All these activities have stemmed from a single underlying idea - to develop a legal order appropriate to a democratic state based on the rule of law. Reforms in public and private law as well as in penal law were finalised ten years after the entry into force of the Constitution of the Republic of Estonia in 1992.


Author(s):  
Venelin Krastev Terziev ◽  
◽  
Marin Petrov Georgiev ◽  
Stefаn Marinov Bankov ◽  
◽  
...  

The independence of the Prosecutor General of any Member State of the European Union is extremely important with a view to comply with the legal framework and the rule of law. It lays the foundations of trust in the judiciary and the fundaments of statehood, creates a sense of law and legal order. That is why it is highly important in the context of the present to outline the control of the activity of the Prosecutor General in the exercise of his powers, clearly emphasizing that the Bulgarian Prosecutor General is not out of control in his powers. The legal powers of the Prosecutor General of the Republic of Bulgaria are even more limited than the powers of analogous figures in the legal systems of other EU countries. The Prosecutor General exercises his powers only in exceptional cases and according to previously prescribed legal procedures.


2021 ◽  
pp. 140-156
Author(s):  
Bogdan Jaworski

Public administration in Poland has taken the form of a system of entities with different tasks and objectives, as well as different competences. It is a part of the classical model based on the functioning of two separate components, such as the state administration, including the government and local self-government. From the perspective of a democratic state governed by the rule of law, the existence of local self-government is extremely important, and even becomes a necessity. Therefore, the deliberations addressed in the paper focus on the functioning of this form of public administration at the lowest level of basic division of the state, which is the commune. The presented research is an attempt to indicate the legal status and position of commune self-government not only in the broadly understood local self-government but also in the whole public administration system.


Author(s):  
Tomass Hodosevičs ◽  

The principle of separation of power as a principle of a democratic state, which is derived from the overriding principle of a state governed by the rule of law and falls within the scope of Article 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Latvia (Satversme), determines the separation of branches of state power. The need to respect the principle derives from considerations of respect for the freedom of individuals and is well established. There is no doubt that a distinction must be made between authorities belonging to different branches of power, however, a disagreement emerges as regards the categorical nature of the principle of overlapping. Legislation of the Republic of Latvia allows for the concurrent performance of the positions of a member of the parliament and the government, which means that the state official acts simultaneously in the legislative and executive powers. Respective practices can lead to risks such as conflicts of interest and misuse of power.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document