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Author(s):  
Fadhl A. Bashir ◽  
El Fatih Abdullahi Abdelsalam

This paper presents essential aspects of the State of Qatar foreign aid policy (QFAP), which is closely tied to the wider country’s foreign policy. The study traces and explains vital foundations of the country’s foreign aid policy framework and its decision-making process, mainly the guiding documents and operative institutions. Evidently, the content and structure of these two technical elements reflect the political and socio-cultural background as well as the regional and global surrounding of the state of Qatar. Although it is an emerging donor, Qatar’s aid documents and institutions are showing radical development and prestigious institutionalizing. The technical guidance and the inclusiveness of QFAP documents and widespread operations of its institutions show that Qatar has further benefited from its partnerships and global engagements to advance its aid policy making. This research used face-to-face interviews with key Qatari officials and scrutinized the state official documents and quoted speeches and statements, in addition to other relevant academic materials. Keywords: Foreign Aid Policy, Qatar, Documents, Institutions, Policy-Making.             Abstrak Artikel ini membentangkan aspek dasar bantuan luar negeri Qatar (QFAP), yang berkait rapat dengan rangka kerja umum dasar luar negeri yang lebih luas. Kajian ini mengesan dan menerangkan 2 asas penting rangka kerja dasar bantuan asing negara dan proses membuat keputusannya; iaitu dokumen panduan dan institusi pelaksana. Melalui kajian ini, jelas menunjukkan bahawa kandungan dan struktur kedua-dua elemen teknikal ini mencerminkan latar belakang politik dan sosio-budaya serta persekitaran serantau dan global negara Qatar. Walaupun Qatar merupakan penderma yang baru menonjolkan diri dalam landskap bantuan global, namun dokumen dan institusi bantuan Qatar menunjukkan ia sebagai perkembangan positif dan institusi yang berprestij. Panduan teknikal dan keterangkuman dokumen QFAP dan operasi meluas institusinya menunjukkan bahawa Qatar telah terus mendapat manfaat daripada perkongsian dan penglibatan globalnya untuk memajukan pembentukan dasar bantuannya. Kajian ini dijalankan berdasarkan temu bual langsung dengan para pegawai Qatar dan pakar yang berkaitan, di samping menganalisis dokumen dan laporan rasmi negara, memetik ucapan dan kenyataan rasmi, serta mengambil kira sumber akademik dan saintifik lain yang berkaitan. Kata Kunci:  Dasar Bantuan Asing, Qatar, Dokumen, Institusi, Proses Pembentukan Dasar.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 1415-1421
Author(s):  
Jamin Ginting ◽  
◽  
Chelsya Gabriella

As Indonesia announced its first Covid-19 case on 2 March 2020, the government issued Acts Number 2 Year 2020. Article 27.1 and 27.2 of the Act do not provide legal certainty because they may release the state-official-corruptors from their criminal responsibility. Through this paper, the author argues the criminal-responsibility exception by elaborating the ideas of the 1945 Constitution and the Corruption Act. The author uses normative legal research to construct the paper by bringing the 1945 Constitution, Indonesian Penal Code, and Government Administration Act as contra-materials toward Acts Number 2 Year 2020. The author also uses the theories from Indonesian Law Scholars to base the author’s argument. The paper provides the construction of criminal corruption as one of the essential parts of state loss. It also explains the solution to remove the criminal-responsibility-exception by using the excellent faith principle. The paper would return the good faith principle into the implementation of Act Number 2 Year 2020. As Act Number 2 Year 2020 is considerably new on implementation, this paper provides new insight into the better implementation of corruption-handling during the Covid-19 Pandemic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 331
Author(s):  
Dewi Analis Indriyani ◽  
Zaihan Harmaen Anggayudha

The Democratic Party dispute raises the view that there is dualism within the Democratic Party. The issue of the Democratic Party Leadership Takeover Movement (GPKPD) led to the dismissal of several of its cadres. The dispute escalated with the holding of the Extraordinary Congress (KLB) in Deli Serdang on March 5, 2021. One of the things which triggered the holding of the KLB by the opposition was the management of Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (AHY). Apart from being seen as not agreeing with Article 83 paragraph (2) letter b in the 2020 Democratic Party's Articles of Association and Bylaws, the validity of the AHY management along with the preparation of the Articles of Association and Bylaws in 2020 was also questioned by several cadres. In addition, the political dynasty by the Cikeas family was also highlighted. This Democrat Party dispute becomes more interesting to study because the AHY opposition's KLB involves an external party who is a state official. This article is socio-legal study that was carried out textually and critically to laws and regulations and policies. The undemocratic management and election of the general chairman in providing opportunities for other cadres to compete in a transparent and fair manner created internal turmoil that led to the dismissal of several cadres. There are anomalies within the Democratic Party with the increasingly clear Democratic Party as a dynastic party, undemocratic KLB arrangements, to the implementation of KLB which is a structural conflict of the Democratic Party with non-structural collectives.


Author(s):  
Tomass Hodosevičs ◽  

The principle of separation of power as a principle of a democratic state, which is derived from the overriding principle of a state governed by the rule of law and falls within the scope of Article 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Latvia (Satversme), determines the separation of branches of state power. The need to respect the principle derives from considerations of respect for the freedom of individuals and is well established. There is no doubt that a distinction must be made between authorities belonging to different branches of power, however, a disagreement emerges as regards the categorical nature of the principle of overlapping. Legislation of the Republic of Latvia allows for the concurrent performance of the positions of a member of the parliament and the government, which means that the state official acts simultaneously in the legislative and executive powers. Respective practices can lead to risks such as conflicts of interest and misuse of power.


2021 ◽  
pp. 84-116
Author(s):  
Brad Edmondson

This chapter focuses on Harold Jerry, a state official who was recruiting staff for a new state commission on the future of the Adirondack Park, and New York governor Nelson Rockefeller. The chapter details the governor's agenda to draft a long-term plan for the Adirondacks. The management of one state park might have seemed trivial to a man like Rockefeller, but the Adirondacks is not just any park. It is an internationally famous nature reserve that is as big as Vermont. The chapter also addresses the concerns of the full-time residents of the Adirondacks who did not think of their home as an occasional vacation spot. Most of the Park is private land, and it is an important source of timber, minerals, and water. Their problem was not overdevelopment, but a lack of economic opportunity. After Rockefeller saw another chance to build his presidential resume, or at least burnish his legacy, by “saving” the Adirondacks, the chapter discusses the recommendations made by Jerry and a group of commissioners that were so uncompromising that Rockefeller was reluctant to endorse. It highlights the commissioners' use of political brinksmanship at least twice, making threats that forced the powerful governor to capitulate. Ultimately, the chapter examines how the recommendations of Harold Jerry and his team led to the success of the Temporary Study Commission on the Future of the Adirondacks (TSC), giving the “forever wilders” power over the North Country.


Author(s):  
Tatyana Yu. Rodina ◽  

This article analyzes the provisions of the Russian legislation regulating the restrictions of the constitutional right to information. It is shown that access to information is not personal, but of a state-civil nature, and therefore, while respecting the freedom of everyone to meet their information needs, it is necessary to observe the equality of subjects, ensuring an objective right to access information. This is impossible without the legislative consolidation of the duty of every state official to observe official secrets. In this connection, the author's definition of this legal institution is proposed, and the information regulated by this legal regime is indicated. Two new types of official secrets are also proposed: official civil secrets and official municipal secrets, which define the norms in which it is advisable to include these concepts. In this regard, it is necessary to make changes in the conceptual apparatus of federal laws regulating civil and municipal services.


2021 ◽  
pp. 42-59
Author(s):  
Mikhail V. Stroganov ◽  

A systematic analysis of all the contexts from A. S. Griboyedov’s works in which the words Armenia, Armenians and Armenian are used allows us to consider them as a single narrative describing the history of Griboedov’s attitude to Armenia and the Armenians. At the beginning of his diplomatic career (the turn of the 1810-1820s) Griboyedov treated modern Armenians quite indifferently, without any personal interest. For Griboyedov, Armenia did not exist as a state entity but rather as a historical and cultural phenomenon, and his statements about the Armenian statehood are explained either by the ignorance of historical facts or by his poetic passion. However, Griboyedov knew the history of the forced resettlement of the Armenian people from the places of traditional habitation (Great Surgun). In the late 1820s, in connection with the mass immigration of Armenians to his historical homeland, Griboedov appeared to have reconsidered his attitude to the fate of modern Armenia, although his assistance to the Armenian people can be interpreted either as a state official fulfilling his duties, or as an interested assistance to the suffering people.


2020 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 78-84
Author(s):  
А. Ю. Подорожній

It has been specified that disciplinary liability should be understood as the employee’s obligation to stand surety to the employer, who is endowed with the disciplinary authority, for his violation of labor discipline in the form of non-performance or improper performance of his labor duties due to the employee and as the result, bear negative consequences provided by labor law. It has been substantiated that the purpose of disciplinary liability has two aspects: the first is to ensure proper discipline in order to ensure the further effective functioning of the enterprise (organization, institution, etc.), and therefore its presence is an important preventive measure of disciplinary offenses’ commission. The second aspect is to apply negative measures to the offender, which, in turn, allows to restore the violated labor (including official) rights, to avoid the negative consequences of the offense and to educate the employee in the spirit of legality and discipline. The main tasks of disciplinary liability include: to ensure the compliance with labor discipline by each employee in performing their duties; to create comfortable working conditions for each employee (state official); to create a favorable, friendly atmosphere in the team; to punish the employee who committed a disciplinary offense; to prevent situations, when an employee may commit a disciplinary offense. It has been argued that the functions of disciplinary liability are: educational, punitive, protective, stimulating, renewing, informative, preventive and staffing. It has been generalized that the essence and content of disciplinary liability as an institution of labor law are as follows: first of all, despite the fact that disciplinary liability, is although a kind of legal liability, it has its own characteristics inherent in labor law; secondly, the employer is not obliged to apply penalties to the violator of labor discipline, such application is his right; thirdly, the employee, in turn, is responsible to the employer and not to the state for non-compliance with labor discipline, i.e. for culpable improper performance of obligations imposed by the employment contract.


Corruptio ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Wilson Gunawan Salim

Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is a state institution that in carrying out its duties and authority is independent and free from the influence of any power. The Report of State Official Assets (LHKPN) is a list of all the assets of the State Administrators as outlined in the LHKPN form determined by the Corruption Eradication Commission. Selection Candidates for the leadership of the Corruption Eradication Commission are not required to submit a Report on the Wealth of State Administrators (LHKPN), the statement was said by the Chairman of the Selection Committee Yenti Garnasih. how the consequences of not considering the LHKPN (Report on the Assets of State Assets) by the KPK leadership candidate selection committee in terms of Article 29 of Law Number 30 Year 2002 concerning the Corruption Eradication Commission Jo. Article 5 of Law Number 28 of 1999 concerning State Administration that is Clean and Free of Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism relating in announcing the assets of prospective KPK leaders. The State Administrators are obliged to be willing to inspect their assets before, during and after taking office, report their assets at the first time in office, transfer, promote and retire, and to announce their assets. The purpose of making LHKPN is as part of the authority possessed by the KPK, which is to carry out steps or efforts to prevent the occurrence of other forms of corruption by registering and examining LHKPN. The report on the assets of state administrators should be enforced prior to the completion of the selection of candidates for the leadership of the Corruption Eradication Commission because this is intended as an effort to open the candidates for KPK leaders and as an effort to prevent corruption.


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