Zero Interest Rates in the United States Provoke World Monetary Instability and Constrict the US Economy

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald McKinnon ◽  
Zhao Liu
2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 59
Author(s):  
Selcuk KENDIRLI ◽  
Sedat KUSGOZOGLU ◽  
M. Sakir BASARAN

In this study we examine the impacts of expansionary monetary policies executed by the Federal Reserve on poverty in the United States of America. It has been discussed in various studies that the Fed’s expansionary monetary policies create a less positive impact on economy as a whole than financial sector. In this study, the expansionary effects of expansionary policies on the poor living in America will be discussed. The main thesis of the study is that the poor living in the United States benefited less from expansionary monetary policies than either financial sector or the US economy as a whole. When discussing the thesis of the study both employed and unemployed poor will be discussed. Therefore, it will be questioned that the decrease in the unemployment rate is the indicator of the fight against poverty.Indicators such as indices and interest rates in the financial markets, and indicators such as growth rates and unemployment rates in the overall economy are regarded as essential indicators but as for poverty it’s hard to find such regarded indicators. Unfortunately, there are not too many statistics about the poor living in the United States in the reports of the international organizations. Thus the main trouble of the study is that international comparisons are almost impossible. Therefore, various indicators produced by the U.S. government agencies of various indicators will be used in this study.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda J. Bilmes

AbstractThe United States has traditionally defined national security in the context of military threats and addressed them through military spending. This article considers whether the United States will rethink this mindset following the disruption of the Covid19 pandemic, during which a non-military actor has inflicted widespread harm. The author argues that the US will not redefine national security explicitly due to the importance of the military in the US economy and the bipartisan trend toward growing the military budget since 2001. However, the pandemic has opened the floodgates with respect to federal spending. This shift will enable the next administration to allocate greater resources to non-military threats such as climate change and emerging diseases, even as it continues to increase defense spending to address traditionally defined military threats such as hypersonics and cyberterrorism.


2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Greenhalgh ◽  
Megan Carney

For years now, the United States has faced an "obesity epidemic" that, according to the dominant narrative, is harming the nation by worsening the health burden, raising health costs, and undermining productivity. Much of the responsibility is laid at the foot of Blacks and Latinos, who have higher levels of obesity. Latinos have provoked particular concern because of their rising numbers. Michelle Obama's Let's Move! Campaign is now targeting Latinos. Like the national anti-obesity campaign, it locates the problem in ignorance and calls on the Latino community to "own" the issue and take personal responsibility by embracing healthier beliefs and behaviors. In this article, we argue that this dominant approach to obesity is misguided and damaging because it ignores the political-economic sources of Latino obesity and the political-moral dynamics of biocitizenship in which the issue is playing out. Drawing on two sets of ethnographic data on Latino immigrants and United States-born Latinos in southern California, we show that Latinos already "own" the obesity issue; far from being "ignorant," they are fully aware of the importance of a healthy diet, exercise, and normal weight. What prevents them from becoming properly thin, fit biocitizens are structural barriers associated with migration and assimilation into the low-wage sector of the US economy. Failure to attain the normative body has led them to internalize the identity of bad citizens, assume personal responsibility for their failure, naturalize the conditions for this failure, and feel that they deserve this fate. We argue that the blaming of minorities for the obesity epidemic constitutes a form of symbolic violence that furthers what Berlant calls the "slow death" of structurally vulnerable populations, even as it deepens their health risks by failing to address the fundamental sources of their higher weights.


2013 ◽  
Vol 226 ◽  
pp. R4-R16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maury Gittleman ◽  
Brooks Pierce

We address basic questions about performance-related pay in the US. How widespread is it? What characteristics of employers and jobs are associated with it? What are recent trends in its incidence? What factors are responsible for these trends? Nearly two-fifths of hours worked in the US economy in 2013 were in jobs with performance-related pay, but this share has been declining. We consider several possible causes for this trend and find that they do not have much explanatory power. We do establish, however, that any potential explanation must also account for a long-term shift in the relative incidence of performance-related pay away from low-wage and toward high-wage jobs.


ILR Review ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 382-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence F. Katz ◽  
Alan B. Krueger

To monitor trends in alternative work arrangements, the authors conducted a version of the Contingent Worker Survey as part of the RAND American Life Panel in late 2015. Their findings point to a rise in the incidence of alternative work arrangements in the US economy from 1995 to 2015. The percentage of workers engaged in alternative work arrangements—defined as temporary help agency workers, on-call workers, contract workers, and independent contractors or freelancers—rose from 10.7% in February 2005 to possibly as high as 15.8% in late 2015. Workers who provide services through online intermediaries, such as Uber or TaskRabbit, accounted for 0.5% of all workers in 2015. Of the workers selling goods or services directly to customers, approximately twice as many reported finding customers through off-line intermediaries than through online intermediaries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (196) ◽  
pp. 17-25
Author(s):  
V.N. Minat ◽  

As part of the study of agricultural production, as one of the leading export-oriented sectors of the US economy, the dynamics of foreign trade in American agricultural products, which is objectively recognizable in the categorical and economic evolution of spatial patterns, is considered. The latter are considered in the context of the global regional structure of agricultural exports and imports of the United States in 1946–2019 and the features of stimulating the export of American agricultural products in the context of the main regions and countries of the world for the same period of time. Based on the synthesis of historical/evolutionary and spatial approaches, methodologically filled with methods of abstract-logical and statistical-economic analysis of official American statistics, the provisions on geo-economic conjuncture, expansionism and protectionism of US foreign trade in the world/global agricultural market are empirically proved.


Author(s):  
O. V. Zhuravliov ◽  
О. М. Simachova

The US economy is one of the richest and most diversified economies in the world and keeps its leadership in the global economy for the past 100 years. The United States is a global leader in computer technology, pharmaceuticals and the manufacture of medical, aerospace and military equipment. And although services make up about 80% of GDP, the US remains the second largest producer of industrial goods in the world and is a leader in research and development. President Donald Trump was elected in November 2016, promising a big gap with his predecessor’s regulatory, tax and trade policies. Therefore, the current socio-economic status of the USA and the possible ways of its development in the future are interesting for studying the impact on other economies, in particular, on the Ukrainian economy and the search for new and optimal ways of developing relations between the United States and Ukraine. Key macroeconomic indicators of the US economy in 2011–2018 are analyzed, demonstrating the influence of Donald Tramp’s new policy on changes in the indicators of the economy, the labor market, trade, etc., as well as possible ways of development in the coming years. The review of key macroeconomic indicators gives grounds for classifying the American economy as healthy one. Rates of GDP growth will remain in the range of 2 to 3%. These rates of growth in the world’s largest economy are callable to ensure a substantial increase in the global activity. But uncertainties in the politics may hinder global growth and have clearly negative impact on the investment growth in developed and developing economies.


2019 ◽  
pp. 146-166
Author(s):  
Philip Martin

US researchers have reached more consensus on the number and characteristics of migrants than on their socio-economic impacts, especially with regard to unauthorized migrants. When there is consensus among social scientists on some aspect of migration, such as the additional economic output due to the presence of migrants, this consensus result suggests very different policies for advocates. For example, the finding that the US economy may have been up to $10 billion larger in the 1990s due to migrants was touted by advocates of more migrants as proof of their benefits, and criticized by those favouring less migration as the equivalent of two weeks economic growth. President Trump is an example of a policy-maker selectively using migration research to justify restrictionist policies.


Author(s):  
John Zagar

The Edmonton Sun newspaper recently carried an interesting article entitled "Maybe U.S. needs yard sale" written by Eric Margolis. In Eric Margolis's article, he talks about the recent financial crisis devastating the Unites States of America's (US) economy, along with much of the other global economies as well (Margolis, 2008). The current economic situation has been blamed on the tendency of certain banks to lend out loans (at low interest rates) to individuals and corporations who do not have the funds to payback those loans. This mistake has occurred in nation-states such as the United States, and Iceland. However, Eric Margolis article is not about the causes of the current economic crisis per se, but rather on the irony of the whole situation facing the United States as a consequence of their belief in neo-liberalism and their treatment of other nation-states. However, first we will look at the specific article.


1989 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Williams

‘EUROPESSIMISM’, SAID THE ECONOMIST IN 1984, ‘IS A FASHION that comes and goes’. The newspaper added that ‘The idea of a technology gap, with an uncompetitive Europe on the wrong side of it, deserves a very cold eye’. But it still covered its bets with the view that, despite reservations, ‘few doubt that Europe is in real trouble’. Europe experienced a previous peak of alarm about a ‘technology gap’ in the late 1960s. Concern then focused only on the United States was epitomized by Jean-Jacques Salomon's Le Défi Américain of 1967, and spawned a large literature. This petered out in the early 1970s as the United States experienced its own crises over Vietnam and Watergate, and by the end of the decade and the Carter presidency some Americans were becoming seriously worried about their own technological standing. One now had books with such titles as America's Technology Slip and The European Revenge: How the American Challenge was Rebuffed. However, by 1984 in a chapter entitled ‘“Europeanizing” the US Economy: The Enduring Appeal of the Corporatist State’ Melvyn Krauss was able to be far more sceptical: in his words ‘. . . the call for a new industrial policy in the US amounts to a call to catch up with the losers’. The Chairman of the European Committee for Research and Development had warned even in 1979 that while certain favourable factors guaranteed Europe's ‘survival, and perhaps even relatively comfortable existence’, this would be only ‘for a period that is difficult to predict but is probably no more than a few decades’.


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