BioBoard

2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (05) ◽  
pp. 227-231

Systems Biology Center Connects UCSF and Peking University. Mitsubishi Pharma to License Internal Hemorrhoid Drug to Yuhan. Rockeby Secures Two Deals to Supply Avian Flu Test Kit. India to Invest More in Agriculture. China to Increase its Clinical Trials Activity. AgResearch Announces 2020 Science Strategy. Australia's Biotron Announces its Compounds Active against H5N1 Avian Flu Virus. Takara Bio Acquires Takara Biotechnology from Marubeni Corporation. New Zealand Bird Flu Researcher Dr Robert Webster Named the Country's Distinguished Biotechnologist of the Year. MerLion Pharmaceuticals Receives Frost & Sullivan Market Penetration Leadership Award. Schering AG Group Gears up to Expand Asia Pacific Business. Western Australia to Build Two Research Centers in Perth. Serum Institute of India Invests 12 Billion Rupee at India's First Biotech Special Economic Zone in Pune.

Author(s):  
Chak Sing Lau ◽  
Yi-Hsing Chen ◽  
Keith Lim ◽  
Marc de Longueville ◽  
Catherine Arendt ◽  
...  

Abstract Introduction/objectives To evaluate the incidence rate (IR) of tuberculosis (TB) and viral hepatitis B and C (HBV/HCV) during certolizumab pegol (CZP) treatment, worldwide and in Asia-Pacific countries, across clinical trials and post-marketing reports (non-interventional studies and real-world practice). Method CZP safety data were pooled across 49 clinical trials from 1998 to June 2017. Post-marketing reports were from initial commercialization until March 2015 (TB)/February 2017 (HBV/HCV). All suspected TB and HBV/HCV cases underwent centralized retrospective review by external experts. Incidence rates (IRs) were calculated per 100 patient-years (PY) of CZP exposure. Results Among 11,317 clinical trial patients (21,695 PY), 62 TB cases were confirmed (IR 0.29/100 PY) including 2 in Japan (0.10/100 PY) and 3 in other Asia-Pacific countries (0.58/100 PY). From > 238,000 PY estimated post-marketing CZP exposure, there were 31 confirmed TB cases (0.01/100 PY): 5 in Japan (0.05/100 PY), 1 in other Asia-Pacific countries (0.03/100 PY). Reported regional TB IRs were highest in eastern Europe (0.17/100 PY), central Europe (0.09/100 PY), and Mexico (0.16/100 PY). Across clinical trials, there was 1 confirmed HBV reactivation and no HCV cases. From > 420,000 PY estimated post-marketing CZP exposure, 5 HBV/HCV cases were confirmed (0.001/100 PY): 2 HCV reactivations; 1 new HCV; plus 2 HBV reactivations in Japan (0.008/100 PY). Conclusions CZP TB risk is aligned with nationwide TB rates, being slightly higher in Asia-Pacific countries excluding Japan. Overall, TB and HBV/HCV risk with CZP treatment is currently relatively low, as risk can be minimized with patient/physician education, screening, and vigilant treatment, according to international guidelines. Key Points:• TB rates were highest in eastern/central Europe, Mexico, and Asia-Pacific regions.• With the implementation of stricter TB screening and risk evaluations in 2007, especially in high TB incidence countries, there was a notable reduction TB occurrence.• Safety profile of biologics in real-world settings complements controlled studies.• TB and hepatitis (HBV/HCV) risk with certolizumab pegol (CZP) treatment is low.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. e000956
Author(s):  
Grace Currie ◽  
Anna Tai ◽  
Tom Snelling ◽  
André Schultz

BackgroundDespite advances in cystic fibrosis (CF) management and survival, the optimal treatment of pulmonary exacerbations remains unclear. Understanding the variability in treatment approaches among physicians might help prioritise clinical uncertainties to address through clinical trials.MethodsPhysicians from Australia and New Zealand who care for people with CF were invited to participate in a web survey of treatment preferences for CF pulmonary exacerbations. Six typical clinical scenarios were presented; three to paediatric and another three to adult physicians. For each scenario, physicians were asked to choose treatment options and provide reasons for their choices.ResultsForty-nine CF physicians (31 paediatric and 18 adult medicine) participated; more than half reported 10+ years of experience. There was considerable variation in primary antibiotic selection; none was preferred by more than half of respondents in any scenario. For secondary antibiotic therapy, respondents consistently preferred intravenous tobramycin and a third antibiotic was rarely prescribed, except in one scenario describing an adult patient. Hypertonic saline nebulisation and twice daily chest physiotherapy was preferred in most scenarios while dornase alfa use was more variable. Most CF physicians (>80%) preferred to change therapy if there was no early response. Professional opinion was the most common reason for antibiotic choice.ConclusionsVariation exists among CF physicians in their preferred choice of primary antibiotic and use of dornase alfa. These preferences are driven by professional opinion, possibly reflecting a lack of evidence to base policy recommendations. Evidence from high-quality clinical trials is needed to inform physician decision making.


2003 ◽  
Vol 07 (18) ◽  
pp. 1137-1146

China’s First Liver-Kidney Transplant Successful. China Approves Clinical Trials of IFN α-2b for SARS Prevention. Indian Firms Investing in Speciality Diagnostic Services. Japan to Transform Rice into Biodegradable Plastic. New Zealand Denies Possible Case of Mad Cow Disease. World Largest Health Survey. Local Fish Company Employs Biotech Solutions to Monopolize Market.


Author(s):  
Monika Jain

India dropped out of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which included the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries, China, South Korea, New Zealand, Japan and Australia, after negotiating for almost seven years in November 2018 on the grounds of national interest and also that free trade agreements (FTAs) did not amount to free trade and led to more trade diversion than trade creation. The cost and benefit of a regional agreement depend on the amount of trade creation with respect to trade diversion (Panagriya, 2000). This study tries to examine India’s concerns and at the same time, highlights the cost of not joining RCEP. India’s trade deficit with 11 out of the 15 RCEP nations has been a major cause of concern. Unfavourable trade balance, concerns about the impact on dairy sector, economic slowdown, past experience with FTA’s, China factor, data localisation, rules of origin, the experience of ASEAN countries with Sino-FTA have been some of the reasons behind India’s decision to opt-out of this mega multilateral agreement. Also, bilateral trade agreements with some RCEP countries such as Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and South Korea were operational. A multilateral trade agreement with ASEAN countries was very much in place. So, trade between India and 12 of the RCEP member countries would not have changed much after India’s inclusion in RCEP. The impact of lower tariffs would have been evident for the remaining three countries: China, Australia and New Zealand. Furthermore, there was fear of a massive surge in imports of manufactures from China, dairy imports from Australia and New Zealand. This study also examines the long term impact of this decision and if India has missed out on becoming a part of the global value chain and gaining greater market access in the Asia Pacific region. India’s policy of import substitution and protectionism did not capitulate desired results in the past. Hence, a critical evaluation of India’s decision and some validation on her concerns and fears have been done.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 955-962 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Mercieca-Bebber ◽  
◽  
Douglas Williams ◽  
Margaret-Ann Tait ◽  
Claudia Rutherford ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Julian Lee

<p>Western power has been sustained in the Asia-Pacific region by United States military might ever since the defeat of Japan. For the first time since then, China, a non-Western power, poses a challenge to that dominance, with the result that “neither Australia nor New Zealand has ever seriously considered how we would defend our interests and secure our countries in a region which was not dominated by our great and powerful Anglo-Saxon friends.”1 China is the new variable in the Asia-Pacific equation, and New Zealand is now required to factor this new element into its strategic calculations for the future. China’s ascendancy in the Asia-Pacific region will have a huge impact on New Zealand’s future strategic outlook. The purpose of this essay will be to design, as simply as possible, a way to structure thoughts and discussion about the defence relationship between New Zealand and China, from a New Zealand perspective. It will aim to establish a basic framework centred around a number of themes in order to provide a platform for analysis in the future. It will be a brief examination of how these two nations talk with each other at the defence level in the early twenty-first century.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Matthew Adrian Castle

<p>Most commentators view the Australia-New Zealand Closer Economic Relations (CER) agreement as a remarkable example of bilateral integration. CER is not usually regarded, however, as a platform for Australia and New Zealand to jointly engage with third parties. Yet, more than a decade of CER-ASEAN relations culminated, in 2010, in a Free Trade Agreement (the ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand FTA, AANZFTA) between the two regions. This suggests that intra-regional trans-Tasman integration might “spill over” into external cooperation with third parties. Close cooperation and joint approaches have not, however, eventuated in other cases. Australia and New Zealand applied separately to join the interregional Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) forum in 2008 and 2009, indicating that their ability to act as a region is not consistent across policy or issue areas. This is an intriguing empirical puzzle, given that most observers of interregionalism elsewhere understand the ability of regions to act in international relations (‘actorness’) as a general, rather than variable, characteristic. Why, then, did Australia and New Zealand negotiate as a single entity with ASEAN on an FTA, but did not coordinate their approach in the ASEM case? This thesis argues that the process of trans-Tasman integration has produced a set of issue-specific institutions, which present Australian and New Zealand policy makers with a ready-made framework for cooperation with third parties in some, but not all, issue areas. Once these institutions were established, it proved a relatively simple step to extend the scope of their operation beyond the trans-Tasman level. This suggests that in the trans-Tasman case, ‘actorness’, understood as the basis on which regions can engage in international relations, may be issue-specific rather than generalised. This thesis makes its case by critically analysing the emergence and evolution of CER-ASEAN relations and by documenting Australia and New Zealand’s separate applications to join ASEM. It draws on extensive archival research and interviews with key actors and decision makers. The thesis adds to the nascent field of interregionalism by offering a new empirical case in which to test and develop theories. It makes a contribution to our understanding of the way institutions shape the scope for regions to “act” in international relations. More broadly, this study provides insights into the relationship between institutional design, individual actors and policy outcomes.</p>


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