Taiwan as a Catalyst for a Sino-American Conflict

2016 ◽  
Vol 08 (02) ◽  
pp. 5-14
Author(s):  
John F COPPER

Taiwan has long been a source of conflict between China and the United States. It has just held a critical election, won by the Democratic Progressive Party that stands for Taiwan’s independence. China is undergoing profound changes in its economy and politics. The United States is seriously at odds with China on a number of issues. All of this adds up to a China-US confrontation or worse.

Asian Survey ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (6) ◽  
pp. 1006-1028
Author(s):  
Cal Clark ◽  
Alexander C. Tan ◽  
Karl Ho

The January 2016 presidential and legislative elections in Taiwan produced a dramatic and unprecedented victory for the Democratic Progressive Party over its long-time rival, the Kuomintang. The party had never had a parliamentary majority before 2016. The elections indicated the potential for fundamental change in Taiwan’s party system. This is what political scientists call a critical realigning election. The problem with identifying these elections, such as the 1896 and 1932 ones in the United States, is that we can only be sure of such an interpretation after a significant amount of time has passed. Still, some of the changes in Taiwan are fundamental enough to make such an evaluation worthwhile. We summarize realigning elections; discuss the factors that may lead to a change in the partisan balance; and describe the growing role of protest parties and social movements in Taiwan politics.


Significance Tsai received the highest number of votes ever cast in a Taiwanese presidential election. Her party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), retained its majority in a parliamentary election the same day. Impacts Tsai has a renewed mandate to introduce economic reforms aimed at raising wages and creating jobs, especially in high-skill industries. The United States and Japan will be high foreign policy priorities for Tsai; Washington in particular will reciprocate. Elevated China-US rivalry will ensure that Taiwan will enjoy bipartisan support, and the support of the next US president.


1903 ◽  
Vol 49 (204) ◽  
pp. 125-125

A contemporary reports a Detroit “doctor and scientist,” “after a careful investigation of existing conditions,” as asserting that “260 years hence everyone in the United States will be insane.” The population by that time will amount to a few hundred millions, so that this prophecy affords, an opening for much speculation. Imagination paints the General Paralytic Progressive Party contesting with the chronically Hallucinated Conservative faction.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-200
Author(s):  
John Fuh-sheng Hsieh

The relations between China and Taiwan (cross-Strait relations) have been a thorny issue for all parties concerned. These relations are one of the flashpoints in the world, which may trigger a serious military conflict. They involve not only China and Taiwan but also the United States. The purpose of this paper is to account for the trajectory of this triangular relationship with the help of opinion surveys in Taiwan. It is shown that when the Kuomintang (KMT) gains the governing power in Taiwan, Taiwan is the median voter in the cross-Strait relations game at the international level while as a non-traditional KMT or the Democratic Progressive Party is in power, it is the US that turns out to be the median voter.


1978 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. F. Conway

Le populisme aux Etats-Unis, en Russie et au Canada: une explication des racines des tiers-partis canadiensL'émergence des mouvements de fermiers, leur irruption sur la scène politique, la montée et la chute du « Progressive party », et la naissance subéequente de la Ligue du crédit social en Alberta et de la CCF en Saskatchewan, ont été parmi les phénomènes les plus étudiés dans l'historiographie sociale canadienne. Néanmoins aucune perspective théorique viable pour analyser et expliquer de tels phénomènes n' a été produite par la sociologie politique canadienne. Toutes les études existantes ont été faites à partir de cadres théoriques différentes sans concept unificateur.La plupart des travaux en ce domaine ont minimisé le concept de « populisme » qui a pourtant servi de base aux études sur des mouvements similaires aux Etats-Unis et en Europe. Ily a longtemps déjà que les spécialistes canadiens des sciences sociales auraient dû entreprendre une application systématique du modèle théorique lié au concept de «populisme » aux mouvements des fermiers, au « Progressive party », au Crédit social et à la CCF.La présente étude entame ce projet par une analyse critique de ce concept, utilisé par les spécialistes américains et européens. L'auteur en arrive à conclure que les travaux de Lénine sont ceux qui présentent la meilleure perspective théorique de ce concept. Il suggère aussi que cette théorie fournit non seulement les linéaments pour une révision systématique des recherches effectuées par les spécialistes canadiens mais qu'en plus elle ouvre de nouvelles pistes de recherches. L'auteur propose qu'une telle révision prenne pour point de départ les réalisations des actuels gouvernements du Crédit social en Alberta et de la CCF en Saskatchewan plutôt que la rhétorique employée par chacun de ces mouvements. Une telle base objective permettra d'apporter une réponse définitive à la question suivante: « Pouvons-nous mieux comprendre la CCF et le Crédit social si nous les analysons en tant que réactions populistes à la forme qu'a prise le capitalisme industriel au Canada? »


Author(s):  
A. Hakam ◽  
J.T. Gau ◽  
M.L. Grove ◽  
B.A. Evans ◽  
M. Shuman ◽  
...  

Prostate adenocarcinoma is the most common malignant tumor of men in the United States and is the third leading cause of death in men. Despite attempts at early detection, there will be 244,000 new cases and 44,000 deaths from the disease in the United States in 1995. Therapeutic progress against this disease is hindered by an incomplete understanding of prostate epithelial cell biology, the availability of human tissues for in vitro experimentation, slow dissemination of information between prostate cancer research teams and the increasing pressure to “ stretch” research dollars at the same time staff reductions are occurring.To meet these challenges, we have used the correlative microscopy (CM) and client/server (C/S) computing to increase productivity while decreasing costs. Critical elements of our program are as follows:1) Establishing the Western Pennsylvania Genitourinary (GU) Tissue Bank which includes >100 prostates from patients with prostate adenocarcinoma as well as >20 normal prostates from transplant organ donors.


Author(s):  
Vinod K. Berry ◽  
Xiao Zhang

In recent years it became apparent that we needed to improve productivity and efficiency in the Microscopy Laboratories in GE Plastics. It was realized that digital image acquisition, archiving, processing, analysis, and transmission over a network would be the best way to achieve this goal. Also, the capabilities of quantitative image analysis, image transmission etc. available with this approach would help us to increase our efficiency. Although the advantages of digital image acquisition, processing, archiving, etc. have been described and are being practiced in many SEM, laboratories, they have not been generally applied in microscopy laboratories (TEM, Optical, SEM and others) and impact on increased productivity has not been yet exploited as well.In order to attain our objective we have acquired a SEMICAPS imaging workstation for each of the GE Plastic sites in the United States. We have integrated the workstation with the microscopes and their peripherals as shown in Figure 1.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.


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